The Archives

Evidence

Likely

More likely than not on the evidence we have. 476 of the 3046 claims in the Archives. All claims, with filters.

  1. Kidd's body was gibbeted at Tilbury Point on the Thames and displayed for about three years.
    Secondary accountsConsistently reported; the display duration is disputed, two to three yearsOn: William Kidd
  2. Kidd was born about 1654, with the traditional c. 1645 recorded as an inherited convention.
    Deposition (secondary reading)His 1695 High Court of Admiralty deposition giving his age as 41, known through secondary transcriptions; the c. 1645 tradition is inheritedOn: William Kidd
  3. The attack triggered a diplomatic crisis at Surat: the Mughal governor imprisoned the East India Company factors and Aurangzeb pressured the Company, which undertook to make good the losses and to convoy the pilgrim fleet.
    Company letter and petitionGayer's Bombay letter of 12 October 1695 (Jameson doc 60) and the East India Company petition (Jameson doc 58), corroborated by the Venice letter (doc 61). The crisis and the factory seizure are Confirmed; the compensation terms are Probable.On: Henry Every; Ganj-i-Sawai
  4. The plunder is reported at widely different figures across the sources; the one figure that recurs is a share of about 1,000 pounds a man for roughly 180 men.
    Trial indictment, deposition and chronicleGunsway indictment (100,000 pieces of eight plus 100,000 chequins); Khafi Khan (52 lakh rupees aboard); Dann (about 1,000 pounds a man); modern totals range from about 325,000 to 600,000 pounds. That the estimates vary is Confirmed; any single total is Probable.On: Henry Every; Ganj-i-Sawai
  5. A Jamaica / Spanish Town origin is the leading modern reconstruction, but the identification of the documented Thache family with the pirate is inferential.
    Early secondary source and genealogical reconstructionCharles Leslie, A New Account of Jamaica (1739), 'born in Jamaica, of very creditable parents'; Baylus Brooks's Spanish Town Thache reconstruction, which reviewers (Konstam, the QAR project) accept only as a possibilityOn: Edward Thache (Blackbeard)
  6. Thache's captured crew were tried at Williamsburg on 12 March 1719, where Israel Hands was pardoned, Samuel Odell released and fourteen men executed; no surviving primary court record has been located.
    Secondary and correspondenceQAR and secondary accounts of the trial outcome; the missing court record is flagged as the largest documentary gapOn: The Ocracoke Fight
  7. Rackham's gibbeted body hung on a cay at the entrance to Port Royal that later became known as Rackham's Cay, a naming traced to the Jamaica historian James Knight and not attested until decades later.
    Near-contemporary manuscript (reported)James Knight, History of Jamaica, British Library, reported via carriersOn: John Rackham
  8. Roberts named several successive flagships Royal Fortune; the name was serial, not a single hull.
    Period print (Johnson) and chronologyJohnson and the compiled chronology record the name applied at Carriacou in 1720 and again to later prizes; the Archives records the serial usage rather than a single shipOn: Royal Fortune
  9. Formerly enslaved Africans found among the captured crew were treated as Royal African Company property and returned to slavery rather than tried; their number is about 65 to 70, the 1724 General History's disposal column printing 'Negroes in both Ships, 70', David Wilson giving seventy-five sold without trial, and the reference accounts rounding to 65, the 1723 print's tables not counting them.
    Period print and secondary synthesisJohnson (the disposal column, 'Negroes in both Ships, 70') and the trial record; David Wilson, Suppressing Piracy in the Early Eighteenth Century (2021), chapter 5, for seventy-five; reference accounts for the round 65; Atkins gives 60 or 70 enslaved Africans across the three shipsOn: The Cape Coast Trial and Executions, 1722
  10. Roberts was bound by a quartermaster and a council that could check him, and lost men who left with their own ships and companies: Thomas Anstis with the Good Fortune and Walter Kennedy with the plunder.
    Calendar record and printed narrativeThe Calendar of State Papers Colonial anchors the Anstis desertion (Highly Probable); the Kennedy desertion is held at Possible; Johnson, General History, Vol. 1 (1724) supplies the quartermaster and council detail (Possible)On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War; Bartholomew Roberts
  11. Roberts's company is the best-documented working example of Golden Age pirate self-government and the type specimen for the three governance themes.
    Interpretive synthesisAn interpretive synthesis resting on the established facts of the company: the election, the articles, the quartermaster and the secession. It is offered as interpretation and not as one of those facts, and the governance detail comes largely from Johnson, so it rests on evidence no stronger than Possible.On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War
  12. Roberts raided Trepassey, Newfoundland, in June 1720; the scale of the destruction is disputed.
    Printed narrative and calendar depositionJohnson, General History, Vol. 1 (1724) gives 22 vessels destroyed; Moyse Renos's deposition (CSP Colonial vol 32 item 251.iv) records 22 sail found of which one was taken; Janzen notes the official 1720 fishery reports record no such losses. Raid Probable; scale Possible and disputed.On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War
  13. A ransom receipt for the ship Hardey, dated 13 January 1721/2, was signed by Roberts as 'Batt. Roberts'.
    Reproduced autograph documentJohnson, General History, Vol. 1 (1724), reproducing the document. Evidence that Roberts was alive and operating in mid January 1722, and of his own spelling of his name.On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War; Bartholomew Roberts
  14. The hanging of fifty-two of Roberts's crew was one of the largest mass executions of pirates of the Golden Age.
    Comparative synthesis over a Confirmed countThe figure of 52 executed is Confirmed from the 1723 printed record; the superlative is a comparative reading resting on a survey of other crews, and is Probable.On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War; The Cape Coast Trial and Executions, 1722
  15. The destruction of Roberts and the trial of his crew is carried by three independent period witnesses converging on one week: the captor's official dispatch, a printed sworn trial record, and an eyewitness participant memoir.
    Interpretive characterisation of the corpusLondon Gazette 6091, the 1723 trial record, and Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea (1735). The strength is concentrated at the end of the story; the early career rests far more on Johnson.On: Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War; A Full and Exact Account of the Tryal of all the Pyrates (1723); HMS Swallow
  16. Rogers was appointed Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of the Bahamas; the commission patent survives as The National Archives CO 5/189/019. The exact date is unresolved: carriers give 6 January 1718, 6 February 1718 and 3 September 1717, and the Adam Matthew catalogue of the patent dates it 9 January 1717/18.
    Legal document (catalogue record)TNA CO 5/189/019, 'Commission for Woodes Rogers as Governor of Bahama Islands' (catalogue record read via Adam Matthew and TNA Discovery); the patent image not readOn: Woodes Rogers
  17. The enforcement answer to relapse was the December 1718 Nassau trial of pardon-holders who had returned to piracy, whose tallies the Archive carries on the record of Woodes Rogers; the primary court record, CO 23/13, is not in evidence here.
    State paper calendar and later accountsCarried by the Calendar of State Papers and later accounts; the primary court record (CO 23/13) is not in evidenceOn: Pirate Pardons
  18. The end of the Golden Age of piracy in roughly 1716 to 1726 was a deliberate, coordinated state project of four instruments working together, the pardon (the Act of Grace), naval force, the reformed piracy law and exemplary public justice at the gallows, and not an organic fading of the trade nor the consequence of any single pirate's death. The pardon was the carrot; the navy, the statutes and the vice-admiralty gallows were the stick.
    Interpretive synthesisEditorial synthesis of the two royal proclamations (London Gazette 5573 and 5706), the Piracy Acts of 1698 and 1721, and the executions record from Boston 1717 to Boston 1726On: The End of the Golden Age; The End of the Golden Age; Pirate Pardons
  19. The suppression arc is bracketed by printed exemplary-justice records nine years apart, from six of Bellamy's crew hanged at Boston in November 1717 to William Fly and his associates at Boston in July 1726, with the Cape Coast Castle trial of spring 1722 (fifty-two of Roberts's crew hanged) the largest single event. The census is carried by surviving printed trial records, while the naval and pardon-administration strands survive mainly as unread Admiralty and Colonial Office manuscripts at Kew; the Collection is object-rich at the executions and honestly object-scarce at the pardon rolls and the naval hunt.
    Interpretive characterisationEditorial reading of the printed trial records against the undigitised Admiralty and Colonial Office manuscript layer at The National Archives, KewOn: The End of the Golden Age; The End of the Golden Age
  20. Three of the Collections tell one story: how a privateer became a pirate, how the pirates became a war, and how the war ended the age. Captain Kidd carries the first clause, Bartholomew Roberts and the Pirate War the second, and The End of the Golden Age the third.
    Editorial framingHouse framing line adopted 17 July 2026, resting on the existing Captain Kidd and Roberts Collections and the 1716 to 1726 periodisationOn: The End of the Golden Age
  21. Rogers' commission as Captain-General and Governor in Chief dates to early 1718, but the exact day is given inconsistently across carriers (6 January, 6 February and 3 September dates all circulate); the Archive prints "early 1718" pending the patent.
    Letters patent (unread)The commission patent, The National Archives, CO 5/189/019, not yet read; carriers give conflicting daysOn: The End of the Golden Age; Woodes Rogers
  22. The 1698 Piracy Act was continued and made perpetual; the 1726 Boston trial commission's own title page credits the perpetuation to "an act of the sixth of King George" (6 George I). The Transportation Act 1717 (4 George I, chapter 11) carried a piracy-suppression section, but the exact interlocking of that section with the perpetuating act is not settled from the statute text, so the copy does not assert that 4 George I chapter 11 made the 1698 Act perpetual.
    Printed commission title pageTitle page of The Tryals of Sixteen Persons for Piracy (Boston, 1726), citing "an act of the sixth of King George"On: The End of the Golden Age; The End of the Golden Age
  23. The naval-force strand of the suppression is the least documented of the four instruments in reachable sources: HMS Swallow's destruction of Roberts's company in February 1722 is the one well-evidenced naval action, while station-ship deployment lists and the underlying Admiralty records survive mainly at Kew and are not digitised.
    Naval records (largely undigitised)Admiralty (ADM) records, The National Archives, largely undigitised; the Swallow action carried by the London Gazette, issue 6091On: The End of the Golden Age; The End of the Golden Age
  24. Beyond Kidd's own Narrative as calendared, which gives the month of his Anguilla call as about the beginning of April 1699, has him send his boat ashore and puts the stay at about four hours, the day of the month, the anchorage used, the identity of his informant and whether any islander deposed to the encounter afterwards are unestablished.
    Secondary biographyThe Pirate King, William Kidd biography for the month; no catalogued or primary record retrieved for the day or the surrounding detailOn: Anguilla
  25. New Providence was destroyed by a Franco-Spanish descent in 1703. The nearest contemporary report, forwarded from Barbados on 31 October 1703, has it that about the latter end of August 1703 three hundred French and Spaniards landed on Providence, plundered the country, carried off the President, Mr Lightwood, and a pilot, blew up the fort and flung the guns into the sea, and stayed on the island about a fortnight before sailing away. That dating agrees with neither the October 1703 nor the July 1703 dating carried by later accounts, and the report gives no burning of the church, no figure of two hundred and fifty inhabitants surprised, and no death toll. By 11 December 1703 the Council of Trade and Plantations reported the island burnt and destroyed and the people all put to the sword or carried off, and by July 1704 the same Board described the Bahamas as remaining uninhabited since their destruction. A further raid in 1706 or 1709 is not established by anything read here.
    Official correspondence, calendaredGovernor Sir Bevill Granville to William Popple, Barbados, 31 October 1703, item 1223 in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 21, 1702-1703, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1913), pp. 771-791 at page 787 (C.O. 28, 7. No. 6), read on British History Online: "That on Sept. 17, severall persons known inhabitants of Providence, came to Rhode Island and reported that about the latter end of August 300 French and Spaniards landed upon Providence, that they plundered the country, carryed off Mr. Lightwood the President and a pilot: that they blew up the Fort and flung the gunns into the sea: that they remain'd upon the Island about a fortnight and then sailed away"; with item 1383 of the same volume, pp. 872-891 (Council of Trade and Plantations to the Earl of Nottingham, 11 December 1703, C.O. 5, 3. No. 9: "Providence, the chief of the Bahama Islands, has been burnt and destroyed by the French and Spaniards, and the people all put to the sword or carryed off"), and item 458 of volume 22, 1704-1705, pp. 211-223 at pages 219-220 (C.O. 324, 8: the Bahama Islands "remaining uninhabited since their being destroyed by the French and Spaniards")On: The Bahamas
  26. The Spanish plate fleet was destroyed on the Florida coast in 1715 and its salvage camp was robbed the following winter. Lt. Governor Spotswood of Virginia reported on 24 October 1715 that the fleet consisted of eleven sail and that all but one were cast away in the Gulf of Florida to the southward of St Augustine; the day of the departure from Havana and the day of the storm are not fixed by anything read here. Two sloops commissioned at Jamaica by Lord Archibald Hamilton on 21 November 1715, the Eagle and the Barsheba, commanded by Captain Jennings and Captain Edward James, anchored under Spanish colours in the Canal of Bahama on the Florida coast, landed their people and carried away, on the captors' own account as calendared, to the value of 120,000 pieces of eight besides the wrought silver; a separate representation places the wrecked flota at Palmar. The name John Wills for the second commander, and the alternative valuation of about 87,500 pounds, are carried by neither document.
    Official correspondence and calendared complaintsLt. Governor Spotswood to [? Mr. Secretary Stanhope], Virginia, 24 October 1715, item 651 in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 28, 1714-1715, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1928), pp. 314-327 at page 317 (C.O. 5, 1342. No. 3), read on British History Online: "the Spanish Plate Fleet richly laden, consisting of eleven sail, are, except one, lately cast away in the Gulf of Florida to the southward of St. Augustin"; and item 158 with enclosures i, iv and vii in volume 29, 1716-1717, pp. 76-101 at pages 78 to 82, read on British History Online: "They carried away to the value of 120,000 pieces of eight, besides the wrought silver, this is what the captors own themselves"; "In Novr. there was two sloops fitted out of Jamaica, one belonging to Capt. Edward James, the other to Capt. Jennings, which had my Lord Hamilton's Commission for suppressing of piracys, but this design, as they said themselves was upon the wrecks"; "The sloops Eagle and Barsheba were commissioned 21st Nov. last by Governor Lord A. Hamilton to go to sea for six months"; and "The English sloops under pretence of clearing the coasts of pirates, against all equity have been diving for the silver wch. was lost on the Flota at Palmar"On: The Bahamas; Henry Jennings
  27. Enslaved people were present in the Bahamas from the beginning of proprietary settlement and were treated as portable property. The Proprietors' own costing for settling the islands, drawn up about 1670, budgets for "600 slaves, 18,000 l." and for "8,000 negroes to be delivered at Providence in two years before any returns can be expected". Thomas Lacy deposed that he was lying at New Providence on 19 January 1684 when the Spaniards came and plundered the town; and the narrative of occurrences laid before the Lords of Trade in November 1684 records that the Governor of Havana afterwards sent a second party which "burnt all the houses, murdered the Governor and several more in cold blood, stripped the rest of the men naked, and carried away the women, children, and negroes to Havana". No reliable figure for the enslaved population of the islands between 1690 and 1725 has been retrieved, and the report that the Spanish force repulsed from Nassau in 1720 carried off over a hundred enslaved people was not found in the calendared correspondence for that year.
    Depositions and official narratives, calendaredNarrative of occurrences at New Providence, received 7 November and read at the Committee 8 November and 6 December 1684, item 1927 in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 11, 1681-1685, ed. J. W. Fortescue (London, 1898), pp. 713-725 at page 718 (Col. Papers, Vol. LIV, No. 70), read on British History Online; with item 1926 of the same volume, the deposition of Thomas Lacy (Col. Papers, Vol. LIV, No. 69), who "was lying at New Providence on 19th January 1684, when the Spaniards came, plundered the town, carried away his ship and cargo, and killed two of his men"; and item 312 of volume 7, 1669-1674, pp. 122-140 at page 123, "A short computation of expense in settling and improving the Bahama Islands for the first three years"On: The Bahamas
  28. Barbados was governed by a Captain General and Governor in Chief, or in his absence by the President of the Council as Commander in Chief, together with a Council and a General Assembly, which enacted the island's laws. The printed Acts of Assembly carry acts made by James Kendal, Captain General and Chief Governor, passed 17 December 1690; by Ralph Grey in the same office, passed 6 April 1699; and by William Sharpe, President of Her Majesty's Council and Commander in Chief, in an act reciting June 1706. Robert Lowther was Governor of Barbados on 30 December 1715, when he wrote to the Council of Trade and Plantations from the island. The remainder of the run from 1690 to 1727, the continuity of English possession and the date on which Barbados became a Crown colony in the strict legal sense are not established here.
    Printed colonial statutes and state papersActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy: "Be it Enacted by his Excellency Colonel James Kendal, Captain General and Chief Governor of this and other the Charibbee Islands", the act "Pass'd the 17th Day of December, 1690"; "Be it Enacted by his Excellency the Honourable Ralph Grey, Esq; Captain General and Chief Governor of this and other the Charibbee Islands", the act "Pass'd the 6th Day of April, 1699"; and "Be it Enacted by the Honourable William Sharpe, Esq; President of Her Majesty's Council here, and Commander in Chief of this and other the Charibbee Islands to Windward of Guardeloupe, the rest of the Honourable the Members of Her Majesty's Council, and the Assembly of this Island", in an act reciting a matter of June 1706. For Lowther, Governor Lowther to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Barbados, 30 December 1715, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 28, 1714-1715, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1928), no. 715, read on British History Online, signed "Ro. Lowther"On: Barbados
  29. The ship lost at this inlet was a former French slave ship, La Concorde of Nantes, owned by the merchant Rene Montaudoin, which sailed from Nantes on 24 March 1717 under Pierre Dosset, embarked 516 enslaved Africans at Whydah on 8 July 1717, and was taken by Blackbeard's pirates near Martinique in late November 1717 and renamed Queen Anne's Revenge; the reported mortality on the passage and the disposal of the survivors are internally inconsistent in the project literature and are not carried here.
    Official reports and modern project researchQueen Anne's Revenge Project, Who was Aboard La Concorde and The Pirate Ship's Journey, resting on the reports of Pierre Dosset and Francois Ernaud; North Carolina highway historical marker C-86 essayOn: Beaufort Inlet (Topsail Inlet); William Howard
  30. The wreck at the inlet was found on 21 November 1996 by Intersal Inc., the find made by Mike Daniel on research by Phil Masters with David Moore, the first diagnostic objects being a bronze bell dated 1705, a sounding weight, an English blunderbuss barrel, a lead cannon apron and two cannonballs; the site is designated 31CR314, lies in about 28 feet of water roughly one mile offshore of Fort Macon State Park, was protected from March 1997, listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2004, and formally announced by North Carolina as the Queen Anne's Revenge on 29 August 2011.
    Modern archaeology and state agency recordQueen Anne's Revenge Fact Sheet, NC DNCR; North Carolina highway historical marker C-86 and marker essayOn: Beaufort Inlet (Topsail Inlet)
  31. Bermuda was held by the Somers Isles Company under a charter of King James I dated 29 June 1615, and passed to Crown government when the Company's charter was declared forfeited to the Crown by a judgment on a writ of quo warranto in Hilary term 35 and 36 Charles II, that is early in 1684. The removal of the Company's shipbuilding licence, the rescinding of a building ban in 1687 and the fleet return of about 1700 attributed to Edward Randolph, Surveyor of the British colonies, are not carried here, no catalogued document for them having been read.
    Charter and colonial council records in a printed documentary collectionJ. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515-1685, vol. I (London, 1877), read in the Internet Archive copy: the charter is printed there with the editor's note that "The following copy of the Charter of James I., dated June 29, 1615, agrees verbatim with the original, formerly in the State Paper Office"; and, on the Bermuda Minutes of Council running from December 11, 1676, to February 1689, that these "include the period of the transfer of the government from the Bermuda Company to the Crown; but there is no direct or formal record of that event to be found, except a portion of a law document in Latin, bearing date Hilary term 35 and 36, Charles II., which appears to be the judgment of the court at Westminster in the Quo Warranto, by which the charter of the Company was declared to be forfeited to the Crown"On: Bermuda
  32. Bermudian shipping was prey as well as tool: the Earl of Bellomont, writing from Boston to the Council of Trade and Plantations on 23 April 1700, relayed the report of John Trimingham, master of a brigantine come from the Bay of Campeche to New York, that he had seen three Bermuda sloops taken by a pirate. The pirate later writers name as Lewis Ferdinando, the nine captures credited to him in 1700 and the letter absolving the forced man Briggs are not carried here, no document for them having been read.
    State papersGovernor the Earl of Bellomont to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Boston, 23 April 1700, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 18, 1700, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1910), no. 354, at pp. 195-196, read on British History Online: "John Trimingham, master of a brigantine that's come from the Bay of Campechi to New York, says he saw three Bermuda sloops taken by a pyrat"On: Bermuda
  33. Bermuda's port geography in the golden age ran through Castle Roads, the channel passing between the King's Castle on Castle Island and Southampton Fort, into Castle Harbour, and through the channel of St George's, guarded by Smith's Fort and Paget's Fort, into St George's Harbour; the seventeenth-century shipping records show Castle Harbour entered by almost all the large ships, with the small ones passing from it into St George's Harbour. Governor Richard Moore, who reached the islands in July 1612, built and laid the foundation of eight or nine forts, among them the King's Castle, from which two shots turned away two Spanish ships that attempted the entrance in 1614. The dredging of the passage north of Paget Island for steamers is a modern work and no period source for it is carried here.
    Period narratives and colonial records in a printed documentary collectionJ. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515-1685, vol. I (London, 1877), read in the Internet Archive copy. For the forts, the narrative printed there at p. 73: "he built and laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort, Pembrookes Fort, Smiths Fort, Pagits Fort, Gates Fort, Warwicks Castle, Saint Katherines Fort, &c." For the Spanish attempt, at p. 75: "there came two Spanish ships, sounding with their boat, which attempted to come in; but from the Kings Castle Master More made but two shot, which caused them presently depart", which Lefroy's chronology of notices dates 1614. For the channels, the account of the finished works at Captain Butler's departure in October 1622: "In Charles Fort two; in Southampton Fort five; betwixt which and the castle passeth the channell into the Harbour, secured by three and twenty peeces of good artillery to play upon it... The Channell of Saint Georges is guarded by Smiths Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleven peece of ordnance." For the use of the two harbours, Lefroy's note on the shipping records: "the evidence they afford of the use of Castle Harbour, which was entered by almost all the large ships, and from which we frequently find the small ones passing into the harbour of St. George's"On: Bermuda
  34. William Fly's mutiny began aboard the snow Elizabeth of Bristol, John Green master, on 27 May 1726 about one in the morning; the master and the mate Thomas Jenkins were cut with a cooper's broad axe and thrown overboard, and the vessel was renamed the Fame's Revenge. After William Atkinson, a passenger whom the pirates kept for his skill as mariner and pilot, contrived with three others to seize Fly, the pirates were brought in to Boston on 28 June, and a special court of admiralty under the Act of 11 and 12 William III sat there on 4 and 5 July 1726, William Dummer the Lieutenant Governor presiding. Sixteen men were arraigned; Atkinson and eleven others were acquitted and four convicted. Fly, Samuel Cole and Henry Greenvill were hanged on Tuesday 12 July 1726 at the usual place for the execution of pirates in or near Charles River, and Fly's body was carried afterwards to an island at the entrance of Boston harbour and hung up in chains; George Condick was reprieved for twelve months at the place of execution, the court having recommended him as commonly intoxicated with liquor, an ignorant man of about twenty who had no hand in the murders and served mostly as cook. The court record writes the island Nick's-Mate; it is now called Nixes Mate.
    Trial record, execution sermon and contemporary accountsCotton Mather, The Vial Poured Out Upon the Sea (Boston, 1726), together with the record of the special Court of Admiralty at Boston of 4 and 5 July 1726, Benjamin Colman's account taken from Atkinson's own relation (Boston, 1726) and a Boston dispatch of 16 July 1726 printed in The Political State of Great Britain, vol XXXII, September 1726; read in the Internet Archive text The Vial Poured Out Upon the Sea, The Expanded Edition (archive.org/details/the-vial-poured-out-upon-the-sea), which marks off each interpolated source from Mather's own text with a heading and citation. Mather: the snow was "commanded by John Green, of that City" and sailed from Jamaica in April 1726; "on May 27. about One a Clock in the Morning" Fly and Alexander Mitchel seized the master, and "with a Cooper's Broad-axe, cut off his Hand, and threw him over-board", then served the mate "Thomas Jenkins" likewise; "On June 28. the Happy Captors brought in their New Captives". The testimony of Morrice Cundon, gunner, sworn 5 July 1726, names "the Snow called the Elizabeth (belonging to His Mayesty's Subjects in Bristol in Great Britain)"; the articles of indictment name the vessel "the Fames-Revenge, formerly called the Elizabeth". The court "Voted, That they should be Executed on Tuesday the Twelfth Day of July Instant, at the usual place for the Execution of Pirates, in or near Charles River", and that Fly, "being the Chief Leader of them, his Dead Body should be carried from the Place of Execution to an Island called Nick's-Mate, near the Entrance of the Harbour of Boston, and there be Hung up in Chains"; Condick was recommended for "a Reprieve for Twelve Months" as "commonly Intoxicated with Liquor, and an Ignorant Man, about Twenty Years of Age, having no hand (as appeared) in the Murther of the Captain, or Mate, and seldom taking up Arms". The Boston dispatch: "On Tuesday last, three of the Pyrates were executed at Charles Town, viz, William Fly Captain, Samuel Cole, Quarter-Master, and Henry Greenvil; but George Candick was reprieved for a Year and a Day". Colman: "AFTER the Execution, the three dead Bodies were carried to a small Island, about two leagues from the Town; where the body of Fly is hung up in Irons".On: Boston
  35. Boston's print trade carried the meaning of these executions to a reading public: the first number of the Boston News-Letter is dated for the week from Monday 17 April to Monday 24 April 1704 and was published by the postmaster John Campbell, becoming the first continuously published newspaper in British North America, while Cotton Mather printed Instructions to the Living, from the Condition of the Dead after the executions of 1717 and, in 1726, The Vial Poured Out Upon the Sea, carrying his conferences with the condemned pirates, their behaviour at execution and the sermon preached on the occasion.
    Period newspaper and period imprintThe Boston News-Letter, number 1, from Monday April 17 to Monday April 24, 1704, Library of Congress rbpe.0330050a; Cotton Mather, The Vial Poured Out Upon the Sea, 1726, Evans text N02345; The End of Piracy, Massachusetts Historical Society Beehive blog, for the 1717 imprintsOn: Boston
  36. In mid-December 1696 William Kidd's Adventure Galley fell in with Commodore Thomas Warren's warships on the approach to the Cape, and Warren, short of provisions and with scurvy aboard, ordered Kidd to help his ships to Cape Town; Kidd, fearing his healthy men would be pressed, slipped away by night when the ships were becalmed, rounded the Cape of Good Hope in the last days of December 1696 and stood away for the Indian Ocean, his landfall at Tulear in Madagascar about 29 January 1697 by his own narrative fixing the rounding to the end of 1696 rather than to February 1697.
    Secondary narrativeCindy Vallar, Pirates and Privateers, Captain William Kidd, for the mid-December 1696 encounter with Warren's warships, Warren's shortage of provisions and scurvy, his order that Kidd assist his ships to Cape Town, Kidd's fear of a press and his slipping away by night while becalmed, and for the rounding in late December 1696 with the Tulear landfall of 27 January 1697 fixing the date against the alternative of February 1697 (Probable)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  37. The Cape was a boundary in English law as well as in navigation: William III's proclamation of 8 December 1698, given at the court at Kensington and transcribed on the Archive's record of Kidd at Madagascar, pardoned piracies committed east of the Cape of Good Hope and expressly excluded Henry Every and William Kidd.
    Printed royal proclamation in transcriptionBy the King, a Proclamation, given at Kensington, 8 December 1698, as transcribed and collated with the 1701 trial text on the Archive's record of Kidd at Madagascar (CLM-522, Confirmed)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  38. In late January and February 1722 the squadron of Bartholomew Roberts, the most successful pirate captain of the golden age by number of prizes taken, lay off Cape Lopez, his force generally given as three vessels: the flagship Royal Fortune, a consort named Ranger, and a store or victualling vessel called the Little Ranger.
    Museum account and period narrativeRoyal Museums Greenwich, "Death of Bartholomew Roberts," rmg.co.uk, accessed 14 August 2026, for the presence of the squadron off Cape Lopez in early 1722 and for Roberts as the most prolific captain of the era (Probable); Charles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), for the three vessels Royal Fortune, Ranger and Little Ranger (Probable). The page carries the composition as reported rather than settledOn: Cape Lopez
  39. The Royal Navy fourth-rate HMS Swallow, rated at about 50 guns and commanded by Captain Chaloner Ogle, had been cruising the Guinea coast hunting Roberts, and on 5 February 1722 she disguised her strength and stood off as though a fleeing merchantman, drawing the consort Ranger under James Skyrme out of the anchorage; once the pirate was clear of the cape the Swallow ran out her guns and battered her into surrender, killing several of the crew and taking the rest, with Skyrme reported to have lost a leg in the fight.
    Museum account and period narrativeRoyal Museums Greenwich, "Death of Bartholomew Roberts," rmg.co.uk, accessed 14 August 2026, for HMS Swallow as a fourth-rate of about 50 guns under Captain Chaloner Ogle cruising the Guinea coast in search of Roberts (Confirmed) and for the taking of the Ranger on 5 February 1722 (Confirmed as to the date); Charles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), for the decoy manoeuvre, the surrender of the Ranger under James Skyrme and the loss of Skyrme's leg (Probable)On: Cape Lopez
  40. Chaloner Ogle was knighted in 1723 for the action off Cape Lopez, is generally described as the only naval officer knighted specifically for an action against pirates, and was permitted to keep prize value from the captured pirate ships; the action itself is generally taken by historians to mark the effective close of the golden age of Atlantic piracy, because it removed the era's most prolific pirate, shattered the largest pirate company then at sea and led to the mass trial and executions at Cape Coast Castle that made a public example of the survivors, even though scattered piracy continued for some years afterwards.
    Museum accountRoyal Museums Greenwich, "Death of Bartholomew Roberts," rmg.co.uk, accessed 14 August 2026, for the knighthood of 1723, the description of Ogle as the only naval officer knighted specifically for an action against pirates, and his retention of prize value (Probable); Royal Museums Greenwich for the reading of the action as the effective end of the golden age of Atlantic piracy, with the qualification that scattered piracy continued afterwards (Probable). The fate of the captured pirate ships and any cargo, and the precise dates of the individual executions in April 1722, still await primary confirmationOn: Cape Lopez
  41. Execution Dock was the appointed place where death sentences of the High Court of Admiralty were carried out for offences within that court's cognisance, including piracy, murder on the high seas and mutiny resulting in death, and a hanging there was a staged public ritual: the condemned were brought in procession from prison, commonly Newgate or the Marshalsea, across London to Wapping, led by an officer of the Admiralty, the Marshal or his deputy on horseback, bearing a silver oar-mace that represented the authority of the Court of Admiralty.
    Museum object recordRoyal Museums Greenwich, "A Pirate hanged at Execution Dock," RMGC object 247376, rmg.co.uk, accessed 2026; and Richard Clark, "Hanged at Execution Dock 1735 to 1830," capitalpunishmentuk.org, accessed 2026, for the offences within Admiralty cognisance, the procession from Newgate or the Marshalsea, the Marshal of the Admiralty or his deputy on horseback, and the silver oar-mace as the symbol of the court's authority (all Confirmed)On: Execution Dock
  42. Gardiners Island was a private freehold rather than a town, port or colony: a deed of 3 May 1639 was confirmed under the King's patent by James Farrett, agent for the Earl of Stirling, in March 1639/40, making the island a separate plantation with liberty to make its own laws for church and civil government at a quitrent of five pounds sterling a year; Governor Richard Nicolls renewed the privileges to David Gardiner in 1665 and Governor Thomas Dongan erected the island into the Lordship and Manor of Gardiner's Island in 1686, so that in June 1699 it lay inside the province of New York while answering to no local corporation, with no customs house, no wharfage business and no merchant community, and was worked as a stock and grain farm for its proprietor, John Gardiner, third of the line.
    Family history and library lecture text resting on transcribed patents, with the state paper calendarLion Gardiner: Long Island's Founding Father, East Hampton Library lecture text, 1998; Robert David Lion Gardiner, Gardiner's Island, 1933; with the position in 1699 from Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 17 (1699), entry 680 and the proprietor's identity from SEQUITUR, A Piece of the Gold BlanketOn: Gardiners Island
  43. Gardiner slaveholding is directly attested by the will of David Gardiner of the Isle of Wight, fourth proprietor of Gardiner's Island, made 16 May 1751 and admitted to probate on 17 July 1751, which devises the island and disposes of his negro slaves, naming two of them; earlier than that, for the pirate decades themselves, roughly 1690 to 1725, no probate list, inventory or account naming enslaved people held on the island by the Gardiners has been examined for this archive, though John Gardiner's sworn narrative of July 1699 records that he took ashore and kept there for Captain Kidd three enslaved people, two boys and a girl. The wider assertions about colonial New York, about the proprietor's supply boats being manned by enslaved people in the Revolutionary war, and about the freed Gardiner slaves going to Freetown after 1827, rest on later accounts and have not been checked against any document here.
    Probate record in a nineteenth century printing, with a colonial narrativeWill of David Gardiner of the Isle of Wight, in the County of Suffolk, in the Province of New York, gentleman, dated 16 May 1751 and "admitted to probate on the 17th day of July, in the year 1751", printed in Curtiss C. Gardiner, Lion Gardiner and his Descendants (St Louis, 1890), read in the Internet Archive copy (archive.org/details/liongardinerhisd00gard). He devises to his son John "my Island, lying in the County of Suffolk, in the Province of New York, commonly called and known by the name of Gardiner's Island"; gives his wife "one negro wench as she shall make choice of out of all my negro slaves"; and gives his son Abraham "one negro slave named Coseo, and also one negro slave named Will". For 1699, the Narrative of John Gardiner, Public Record Office C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXI, printed as document 79 in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (1923): Kidd "desired the Narrator to carry three Negroes, two boys and a girle, ashore, to keep till he the said Kidd or his Order should call for them, which the Narrator accordingly did"; the same is calendared in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 17 (1699), no. 680 XI, where Kidd "delivered to Mr. Gardner two bales of goods, two negro boys and a negro girl".On: Gardiners Island
  44. In June 1699 William Kidd, homeward from the Indian Ocean in a sloop taken up after he abandoned the Quedagh Merchant, worked round the eastern end of Long Island to avoid New York and anchored off Gardiners Island, where he asked John Gardiner's leave to lodge goods ashore and a chest, a box of gold, boxes of silver, gold dust and jewels were placed in the ground at the spot remembered as Cherry Tree Field, while bales of merchandise were left in store; the deposit was made by daylight, at Kidd's own request, with the owner's knowledge and with a record kept.
    Period narrative resting on the Bellomont correspondenceCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 17 (1699), entry 680; Robert David Lion Gardiner, Gardiner's Island, 1933On: Gardiners Island
  45. Captain William Kidd's own memorandum of the treasure left on Gardiner's Island, dated 4 September 1699, survives in the Colonial Office correspondence at The National Archives, Kew, as CO 5/860, and Bellomont's despatch of 26 July 1699 to the Council of Trade and Plantations, which narrates the recovery in his own words, is calendared in the Colonial State Papers for that year; a further letter of 5 January 1699/1700 describing the chest contents, including over two hundred bars of silver, an enamelled silver box inlaid with diamonds, a diamond ring and a casket of sixty-seven rubies, is carried by this archive at second hand.
    State paper and reference calendar of primaryCaptain William Kidd's memorandum of treasure left on Gardiner's Island, The National Archives, CO 5/860; Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 17 (1699), entry 680; the description of the chests from CO 5/1043 as quoted by Adam Matthew DigitalOn: Gardiners Island
  46. The Spanish plate fleet of 1715 was destroyed on the Florida coast. The earliest English official notice is Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood's report from Virginia of 24 October 1715, that the fleet consisted of eleven sail and that all but one were cast away in the Gulf of Florida to the southward of St Augustine, and that a barcolongo sent from Havana to fetch off passengers of distinction, having recovered a considerable quantity of plate from the wrecks, was cast away in her turn about forty miles to the northward of St Augustine. The departure from Havana on 24 July 1715 under Juan Esteban de Ubilla and Antonio de Echeverz y Zubiza, the date of the wreck on 30 to 31 July and the number of the dead are not established here; only the Contratacion registers at Seville could fix them.
    State papersLieut. Governor Spotswood to [? Mr. Secretary Stanhope], Virginia, 24 October 1715, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 28, 1714-1715, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1928), no. 651, at p. 317, C.O. 5, 1342. No. 3, read on British History Online: "Here is advice of a considerable event in these parts, that the Spanish Plate Fleet richly laden, consisting of eleven sail, are, except one, lately cast away in the Gulf of Florida to the southward of St. Augustin, and that a barcolongo sent from the Havanna to fetch off from the Continent some passengers of distinction, who were in that Fleet, having recovered from the wrecks a considble. quantity of plate is likewise cast away about 40 miles to the northwd. of St. Augustin"On: Havana
  47. Jonathan Barnet took John Rackham's sloop at the west end of Jamaica in late October 1720, at about ten at night, the day being unsettled since the 22 October that the trial print attaches to the act charged is not a capture date and Governor Lawes's letter points to about 30 October, and landed the prisoners at Davis's Cove, delivering them to Major Richard James, who had them carried to the gaol at Spanish Town; by the sworn deposition of the witness James Spatchears, speaking of Barnet in the third person, he was sailing in company with Captain Bonevie and bound on a trading voyage to the South Keys of Cuba.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and other Pirates, 1721, for the deposition, the capture and the landing; no Colonial Office document naming any Lawes commission could be tracedOn: Jamaica
  48. The men afterwards hanged at Newport were taken from Charles Harris's sloop Ranger, consort of Edward Low, when HMS Greyhound under Captain Peter Solgard of the New York station engaged both sloops off the Long Island shore on 10 June 1723, the pirates hoisting a black flag at eight in the morning and hauling it down for a red one at half past eight on the near approach of the man of war; Low escaped and Harris struck, and the Greyhound came into Newport on 11 June with the prize, thirty of the prisoners being landed and lodged in the town gaol in irons.
    Period newspaper quoted in secondary worksBoston News-Letter, issue of 20 June 1723; George Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630 to 1730, Salem 1923; Twenty-Six Pirates Hanged at Newport in 1723, Online Review of Rhode Island HistoryOn: Newport
  49. A Court of Admiralty for the trial of pirates sat at Newport on 10, 11 and 12 July 1723 under a commission founded on the act of 11 and 12 William III made perpetual by 6 George I, and tried thirty-six men, of whom twenty-eight were convicted and eight acquitted; thirty-seven prisoners had been brought in, thirty on 11 June and seven on 11 July, one died in gaol on 15 July, and two of the convicted, Patrick Cunningham and John Brown the shortest, were recommended to His Majesty for remission rather than reprieved in form, which leaves the twenty-six who were hanged.
    Trial pamphlet and secondary works quoting period newspapersTryals of Thirty-Six Persons for Piracy, at a Court of Admiralty for tryal of pirates held at Newport, 10, 11 and 12 July 1723, Evans Early American Imprint Collection; Dow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast; The Gravelly Point Pirates, quahog.orgOn: Newport
  50. Benjamin Fletcher, commissioned governor of New York in 1692, granted commissions and protection to men engaged in the Red Sea trade, was on friendly terms with Thomas Tew from April 1694, on Tew's return rich from the Red Sea, and gave Tew a fresh commission months later in November 1694.
    State paper calendarCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volumes covering 1693 to 1701, for the charges against FletcherOn: New York
  51. William Kidd left goods in the keeping of John Gardiner on Gardiners Island, his own memorandum of them, dated 4 September 1699, surviving at The National Archives in CO 5/860.
    Manuscript state paperCaptain William Kidd's memorandum of treasure left on Gardiner's Island, 4 September 1699, The National Archives CO 5/860On: New York
  52. The two hired sloops, commonly named as the Jane, Maynard's own vessel, and the Ranger, carried no cannon and were manned by seamen drawn from HMS Pearl and HMS Lyme, fifty-five on the calendar of Spotswood's dispatch, while Blackbeard's Adventure mounted swivel guns and at least some cannon, which is why the engagement had to be fought as a boarding action rather than a gun duel.
    State agency accountLt. Robert Maynard (B-43), NC Department of Natural and Cultural ResourcesOn: Ocracoke Inlet
  53. On 22 November 1718 the two sloops came upon Blackbeard at Ocracoke Inlet; his guns did severe damage in the opening exchange, Maynard then concealed most of his men below decks so that Blackbeard, seeing few opponents, boarded the Jane and was met by a rush of hidden sailors, and in the hand-to-hand fighting the pirate was overwhelmed and killed, reportedly cut down at the last by a sailor's broadsword.
    State agency accountLt. Robert Maynard (B-43), NC Department of Natural and Cultural ResourcesOn: Ocracoke Inlet
  54. Admiralty sessions opened at the Old Bailey on Monday 19 October 1696, the title page's 29 October being a printer's error corrected against the body of the print, and ended on 6 November 1696 for the trial of Joseph Dawson, Edward Forseith, William May, William Bishop, James Lewis and John Sparkes, taken as members of Henry Every's company; Every himself was never taken and never stood in this building, and the prosecution answered the diplomatic crisis that the plunder of the Mughal ship Ganj-i-Sawai, the Gunsway of the English accounts, had created for the English East India Company at the Mughal court.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Joseph Dawson, Edward Forseith, William May, William Bishop, James Lewis, and John Sparkes for several piracies and robberies by them committed in the company of Every the grand pirate... at the Admiralty Sessions begun at the Old-Baily on the 29th of October 1696 and ended on the 6th of November (printed for John Everingham, 1696; Library of Congress LCCN 19011844), for the venue, the opening and closing dates and the six named defendants (Confirmed); the same source read with the political context for the East India Company motive, which is Probable and which the page states as a reading of the prosecution rather than as fact. The sequence of first trial, acquittal, retrial on a fresh indictment and conviction, and the executions of 25 November 1696 with Joseph Dawson reprieved, is Probable, was not established from the pamphlet itself, and is carried on the page as reported at second handOn: The Old Bailey
  55. William Kidd was arraigned and tried at Admiralty sessions held by royal commission at the Old Bailey on 8 and 9 May 1701 on six indictments, one for the murder of his gunner William Moore and five for piracy, and was convicted and sentenced; nine men were tried at the same sessions, Nicholas Churchill, James Howe, Robert Lamley, William Jenkins, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Richard Barlicorn, Abel Owens and Darby Mullins; Kidd was hanged at Execution Dock, Wapping, on 23 May 1701, no pirate condemned in this room having died in it, the sentence being carried out downriver.
    Trial pamphletThe Arraignment, Tryal, and Condemnation of Captain William Kidd, for Murther and Piracy, upon Six Several Indictments, at the Admiralty-Sessions, held by His Majesty's Commission at the Old-Baily, on Thursday the 8th. and Friday the 9th. of May, 1701 (printed for J. Nutt, 1701; Library of Congress, Law Library, Piracy Trials Collection, KD372.K53 K53 1701, LCCN 18011064), for the venue, the dates, the six indictments, the co-defendants, the verdict and the execution at Execution Dock on 23 May 1701 (Confirmed). The non-production of the French passes taken from the Rouparelle and the Quedagh Merchant, and their reported rediscovery among state papers in the twentieth century, rest on Samuel Marquis, "Captain Kidd and the Trial of the Century," Sea History no. 192 (Autumn 2025), are Probable, and are carried on the page as reported rather than as establishedOn: The Old Bailey
  56. The Piracy Act 1698 (11 Will. 3 c. 7), "An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy", which received royal assent on 11 April 1700, allowed piracy to be tried and determined "in any place at sea, or upon the land, in any of his Majesty's islands, plantations, colonies, dominions, forts, or factories", removing the need to ship accused pirates to England and ending this building's practical monopoly over piracy prosecution, so that from 1700 onward the characteristic Golden Age piracy trial is held at a colonial venue such as Charles Town, Nassau, Cape Coast Castle or Williamsburg rather than at the Old Bailey.
    StatutePiracy Act 1698, 11 Will. 3 c. 7, "An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy", Statutes of the Realm vol. 7, via British History Online, british-history.ac.uk/statutes-realm/vol7/pp590-594, for the text, the royal assent of 11 April 1700 and the authorisation of trial in the colonies (Confirmed); the same source for the initial limitation to seven years, the continuation of 1706 and the making perpetual in 1719 (Probable). The consequence, that the Old Bailey's dominance in piracy prosecution is concentrated in the 1690s and the first year of the eighteenth century and that it thereafter handled residual and returning cases, is this Archive's own reading of the statute and of the surviving trialsOn: The Old Bailey
  57. Cases arising from the trade in enslaved people reached this courtroom. George Lowther sailed out of the Thames as second mate of the Royal African Company's ship Gambia Castle, of 16 guns and 30 men, Charles Russel commander, carrying soldiers under Captain John Massey to garrison a fort on the river Gambia; in 1721 the ship was carried off and turned against her owners. Massey afterwards returned to England, was committed to Newgate on his own confession and, in the words of the General History, "On the 5th of July 1723, he was brought to his Tryal, at a Court of Admiralty held at the Old-Baily", where he was found guilty, received sentence of death "and was executed three Weeks after, at Execution-Dock". The Royal African Company's exclusive trade had been opened to other subjects by the Act to settle the Trade to Africa of 1698, which made it lawful from 24 June 1698 for any of the King's subjects as well as the Company to trade between Cape Mount and the Cape of Good Hope on payment of ten pounds per centum ad valorem, the duty being appropriated to maintaining the Company's forts and castles; and by the Asiento signed at Madrid in March 1713 the subjects of Great Britain obtained the contract to supply enslaved Africans to Spanish America.
    Near-contemporary print and statuteA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), chapter XII, "Of Capt. George Lowther, And his Crew": Lowther "sailed out of the River of Thames, in one of the Royal African Company's Ships, call'd the Gambia Castle, of 16 Guns and 30 Men, Charles Russel Commander; of which Ship, the said Lowther was second Mate. Aboard of the same Ship, was a certain Number of Soldiers, commanded by one John Massey"; and for the trial and execution as quoted. Statutes of the Realm, volume 7, 1695 to 1701, "William III, 1697-8: An Act to settle the Trade to Africa. [Chapter XXVI]", pp. 393 to 397, read at British History Online: "it shall and may be lawfull to and for any of the Subjects of His Majesties Realm of England as well as for the said Company from and after the said Four and twentieth Day of June... to trade... to and for the Coast of Africa between Cape Mount and the Cape of Good Hope... paying for the Uses aforesaid a Duty of Ten Pounds per Centum ad Valorem". And The Assiento, or Contract for Allowing to the Subjects of Great Britain the Liberty of Importing Negroes into the Spanish America (London, 1713), read in the copy digitised by the Internet Archive (item cihm_28677). The trial venue and the execution rest on the General History alone; a search of the Old Bailey Proceedings for the July 1723 session found no trial of Massey there, the Admiralty sessions not being printed in that series, and the precise execution date of 26 July 1723 is not verified.On: The Old Bailey
  58. The Proceedings of the Old Bailey, the printed account of the sessions held in this building, began publication in 1674 and ran to 1913, sold at first as cheap popular pamphlets issued within days of each sitting, licensed by the City of London and expanded to twenty-four pages of verbatim testimony by 1729; the two great piracy trials were printed separately by the same Ludgate and Stationers' Hall trade, the Every trials for John Everingham in 1696 and the Kidd trial for J. Nutt in 1701, and those printed narratives are the objects on which the later literature of Golden Age piracy rests.
    Period print series and project publication historiesThe Proceedings of the Old Bailey (Old Bailey Sessions Papers), 1674 to 1913, Old Bailey Proceedings Online, oldbaileyonline.org, and London Lives, "Old Bailey Proceedings: Accounts of Criminal Trials," old.londonlives.org/static/OBP.jsp, for the beginning of publication in 1674, the run to 1913 and the character of the early issues (Confirmed), and for the City licensing, the expansion to twenty-four pages with verbatim testimony by 1729, the comprehensive reporting required from 1778 and the need for subsidy by 1787 (Probable); the 1696 and 1701 trial pamphlets themselves (Library of Congress LCCN 19011844 and 18011064) for the separate commercial printing by John Everingham and J. Nutt (Confirmed). Whether the Proceedings ever printed the Admiralty sessions of 1696 and 1701 is unsettled and is carried as an open question on the page, no Proceedings surviving for 1701 at allOn: The Old Bailey
  59. Panama was a Spanish American port of entry and sale for enslaved Africans and the isthmus transit was worked substantially by enslaved and coerced labour, in the mule trains, at the wharves and in the pearl fisheries of the Gulf, the supply running on the asiento, the crown contract to deliver enslaved people to Spanish America, which passed between Portuguese, Dutch, Genoese and French holders across the seventeenth century and, by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, to the British South Sea Company, with Portobelo among the ports at which that traffic and its annual ship operated; communities of escaped enslaved people, the cimarrones, had been established on the isthmus since the sixteenth century and were a standing security problem for the Spanish administration and at times allies of raiders.
    Printed treaty text and general reading of the isthmus economy"The Assiento, or, Contract for allowing to the subjects of Great Britain the liberty of importing Negroes into the Spanish America, signed by the Catholick King at Madrid, the twenty-sixth day of March, 1713", printed by John Baskett, London, 1713, digitised copy CIHM 28677 via archive.org, for the transfer of the asiento to the British South Sea Company (Confirmed); the local detail and the cimarron communities rest on a general reading of the isthmus economy rather than on a single catalogued source (Probable). The year by year volumes of the traffic through Portobelo specifically could not be retrieved and are deliberately not estimated; the South Sea Company records at The National Archives and the asiento accounts would settle themOn: Panama
  60. Philadelphia was a slave-trading and slave-holding port whose province taxed rather than prohibited the traffic, the Provincial Council reading an Act for continuing a Duty on Negroes brought into this Province on 21 February 1717/18 among the session's ordinary revenue bills.
    Provincial council minutesMinutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, vol. 3, for the duty read 21 February 1717/18On: Philadelphia
  61. Providence Island in the western Caribbean is not New Providence in the Bahamas, whose town of Nassau was the pirate rendezvous of about 1713 to 1718; seventeenth-century English writers used the bare word "Providence" for both, which is why later English documents distinguish "Old Providence" from "New Providence", a usage the Colonial Office piece titles at The National Archives preserve to this day, and any undated Caribbean mention of "Providence" should be treated as ambiguous until a latitude, a governor's name or an adjacent place name resolves it.
    Catalogue records and monographKaren Ordahl Kupperman, Providence Island, 1630-1641: The Other Puritan Colony (Cambridge University Press, 1993), for the identity of the western island; The National Archives, Kew, CO 124 series title, Colonial Office and predecessors: British Honduras, Entry Books, and the map title CO 700/BritishHonduras6/7, "Island of Old Providence", for the surviving "Old Providence" usage in catalogue titles. The distinction itself is ConfirmedOn: Providence Island (Providencia)
  62. The island's whole strategic value rests on a single asymmetry: the north coast faces the open Atlantic swell and was uninhabited in the seventeenth century, while the south coast faces the narrow channel toward Hispaniola and carries the island's only workable anchorage, at Basse-Terre.
    Period narrative and archaeological project literatureAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers (Amsterdam, 1678), published in English as Bucaniers of America (1684), English text in Early English Books Online, EEBO A39081, for the north coast described as totally uninhabited, incommodious and unhealthy, its shore rocky and inaccessible (Probable); Archeologie de la Piraterie research programme (Jean Soulat, Alexandre Coulaud, Yann von Arnim), Ile de la Tortue project page, consulted 2026, for the statement that Basse-Terre was the island's sole accessible anchorage and that the fort was placed above it (Probable)On: Tortuga
  63. The narrative record of buccaneer Tortuga rests substantially on one book, Exquemelin's De Americaensche Zee-Roovers of 1678, written by a participant who reached the island in 1666 as an indentured servant of the French West India Company, which records the four districts of the settled south and the port town of Cayona and describes the southern harbour as having two entries or channels and as able to take ships of seventy guns, the only period figure on capacity located; the same book's reliability was contested in law when Henry Morgan brought a libel action against a London publisher of its English text in 1685.
    Period narrative and modern scholarshipAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers (Amsterdam, 1678), English text in Early English Books Online, EEBO A39081, for the districts of the Low-Lands, the Middle Plantation, Ringot and the Mountain, for Cayona and its chiefest and richest planters, and for the two entries and the statement that the harbour was able to take ships of seventy guns (Probable); Joseph Gibbs, "A certain false, malicious, scandalous and famous libel: Sir Henry Morgan's legal action against a London publisher of Alexandre Exquemelin, 1685," International Journal of Maritime History (2018), for the libel action (Probable). No sounded depth from the buccaneer era has been recovered, so no depth in feet or fathoms is stated for the seventeenth-century roadstead and the seventy-gun figure is carried as a statement of capacity onlyOn: Tortuga
  64. In June 1720, on a date given as about 21 June in modern accounts and as the last of June by the General History as reprinted by Dow, Bartholomew Roberts sailed a small captured sloop, unnamed in the primary narrative and called the Fortune only in secondary works that the Archive's record of the raid reads as confusing her with the French prize taken afterwards, openly into Trepassey harbour, the General History of the Pyrates describing the pirates entering "with their black colours flying, drums beating, and trumpets sounding", and the crews of the shipping at anchor abandoned their vessels and fled ashore.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, chapter on Captain Bartholomew RobertsOn: Trepassey
  65. Surat was the Mughal empire's principal port for the Hajj, its annual fleet to Mocha and Jeddah carrying pilgrims and high-value trade in the same hulls.
    Scholarly articleSagufta Parveen, "Surat: As a Major Port-Town of Gujarat and its Trade History", for Surat as the port of the Hajj and the annual Red Sea fleet (Confirmed)On: Surat
  66. Every was never taken, though six of his men were tried in London in October 1696; the imprisonment of the Company's people at Surat by the governor is confirmed from Gayer's Bombay letter of 12 October 1695 and the Company's petition on the Archive's record of Every, but the reports circulating in the later literature of an imperial order for that imprisonment and of a near-order for an armed attack on Bombay to expel the English from India are not supported by the sources behind this page.
    Period trial print on the archive's recordThe count of six men and the October sitting come from the archive's entry on the trials of Every's crew, where six of Every's men at the Admiralty sessions and a first sitting on Monday 19 October 1696 are Confirmed on the 1696 trial printOn: Surat
  67. Bellomont undertook four-fifths of the cost of buying, rigging, furnishing and victualling the ship and Livingston and Kidd the remaining fifth, the opening payments being 1,600 pounds from Bellomont and 400 pounds from Livingston and Kidd, both due on or before 6 November 1695; no total outfit figure is named in the deed.
    Primary indentureArticles of Agreement, 10 October 1695, in Dalton, Appendix A item 2On: The Kidd Privateering Venture Formed (1695)
  68. The Articles required Kidd to contract with his crew on "No Purchase, No Pay; and not otherwise", their share not to exceed a fourth of everything taken, and divided the remaining three parts into five, four to Bellomont and the fifth shared equally between Livingston and Kidd.
    Primary indentureArticles of Agreement, 10 October 1695, clause 8 and clause 10, with the sealing memorandum, in Dalton, Appendix A item 2On: The Kidd Privateering Venture Formed (1695)
  69. Livingston and Kidd were bound jointly and severally to refund Bellomont's whole advance by 25 March 1697 if the voyage did not repay it, excepting only the dangers of the seas, the enemy and Kidd's own death, while the closing covenant promised Kidd the ship outright if he delivered 100,000 pounds or more at Boston.
    Primary indentureArticles of Agreement, 10 October 1695, in Dalton, Appendix A item 2On: The Kidd Privateering Venture Formed (1695)
  70. Samuel Newton's name was used in the grant in trust for John Somers, as Somers was forced to admit at his impeachment in 1701; the trusts, if any, behind Rowley, Watson and Renolls are not established.
    Impeachment pleadings, reportedDalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911), reporting the articles of impeachment against Somers and his answer; confirmed as Dalton's report of the pleadings rather than from the enrolled proceedingsOn: The Kidd Privateering Venture Formed (1695)
  71. Four Whig ministers, John Somers as Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Edward Russell, Henry Sidney, Earl of Romney, and Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury, supplied most of the capital, commonly given as 1,000 pounds apiece within a total of about 6,000 pounds, and appear nowhere on the face of the venture's papers.
    Secondary narrativeDalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911), for the subscriptions of "one thousand pounds apiece"; office dates from the Dictionary of National Biography article on Somers. No subscription list has been seen.On: The Kidd Privateering Venture Formed (1695)
  72. Men were pressed out of the Adventure Galley into the fleet before she cleared home waters, Kidd's own narrative placing the press at the Buoy in the Nore about the first day of March 1696 and saying it detained him nineteen days; the narrative gives no number, Kidd's protest says Captain Steward of the Duchess took away all his ship's crew and that Admiral Russell caused them to be restored, and no muster located settles how many were lost.
    The captain's own narrative and protestNarrative of William Kidd, 7 July 1699, Public Record Office C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXV, printed in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Washington, 1923), doc. 76: "about the latter end of February the said Gally came to the buoy in the Nore, and about the first Day of March following, his men were pressed from him for the Fleet, which caused him to stay there 19 Days". Kidd's protest, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Manuscripts of the Duke of Portland, VIII. 80, quoted in Jameson's note to that document: "At the Buoy in the Nore Captain Steward, commander of the Duchess, took away all my ship's crew; but Admiral Russell... caused my men to be restored to me".On: Kidd Departs England (1696)
  73. On the Atlantic crossing Kidd took a small French vessel carrying salt and fishing tackle bound for the Newfoundland fishery and had her condemned as prize at New York, the produce buying provisions for the Adventure Galley.
    Secondary work quoting Kidd's narrativeC. N. Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (1911), quoting Kidd's narrativeOn: Kidd Departs England (1696)
  74. New York under Governor Benjamin Fletcher was an accommodating port for Red Sea men, his successor reporting that pirate ships were owned and fitted out there under Fletcher's commissions and that the men about him had grown rich by it, and that was the labour market in which Kidd manned the Adventure Galley for the East Indies.
    Governor's despatch and a depositionThe Earl of Bellomont to the Council of Trade and Plantations, New York, 8 and 18 May 1698, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol. 16, 1697-1698, no. 472, pp. 221-224 (Board of Trade, New York, 52, pp. 312-320): "This city has likewise been a nest of pirates, and I already find that several of their ships have been (and now are) out, are owned and were fitted out in this port and received commissions from the late Governor here", and "They have grown rich together with him by fitting out pirate-ships and trading with Madagascar". Deposition of Benjamin Franks, 20 October 1697, Public Record Office C.O. 323:2, no. 124 I, printed in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Washington, 1923), doc. 71: "came to New York and there finding Captain Kid comeing out with a full Power to the East Indies to take the Pyrates, which he shewed me by the means of my Friends, so resolved to go with him", and "Wee sailed from New York the 6th September 1696". Bellomont was Fletcher's successor and his accuser, and no merchant is named in the passage.On: Kidd Departs England (1696)
  75. The company served on no purchase no pay, with one tenth of the proceeds reserved to the Crown and about a quarter of the remainder to the crew, terms Kidd is reported to have softened before New York men would sign.
    Secondary narrativeCindy Vallar, Pirates and Privateers: Captain William Kidd; Samuel Marquis, Sea History 192 (2025); C. N. Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911)On: Kidd Departs England (1696)
  76. Articles of agreement between Kidd and John Walker, quartermaster for the ship's company, were drawn at New York and dated 10 September 1696, and survive with a list of the company at The National Archives as CO 5/931, the Archive's record of pirate articles also noting a further text of them, reaching the High Court of Admiralty by way of Joseph Palmer, at HCA 1/15/8 (reverse).
    Admiralty court record with secondary narrativeThe National Archives, HCA 1/15/8 (reverse), Kidd's articles of the Adventure Galley drawn up in New York, via Joseph Palmer; Cindy Vallar, Pirates and Privateers: Captain William Kidd, quoting the articlesOn: Kidd Departs England (1696)
  77. A royal proclamation, ordered on 29 November 1698 and issued on 8 December 1698, offered the King's mercy to men guilty of piracy east of the Cape of Good Hope who surrendered to four commissioners named in it, and it was construed strictly against four of Kidd's men, whose plea in arrest of judgment failed because they had surrendered to the wrong persons; Kidd himself was excepted from that mercy, a calendar extract used by Dalton excepting "Captain Kidd and 3 others" and modern accounts excepting Henry Every and Kidd, and neither the proclamation nor the 1700 Piracy Act, which enumerates "all Piracies Felonies and Robberies committed in or upon the Sea", names murder.
    State paper, statute and period narrativeRoyal proclamation of 8 December 1698, consulted through its description and judicial construction in Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911) and Brooks, Trial of Captain Kidd (1930), with the date of issue from David Wilson, "Piracy, patronage and political economy", IJMH 27:1 (2015), citing TNA HCA 1/15 f. 36; the statute from An Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy, 11 Will. III c. 7, Statutes of the Realm vol. 7, pp. 590-594. The proclamation itself has not been consulted, and the identity of the four commissioners is not recovered.On: The Killing of William Moore (1697)
  78. The House of Commons resolved on 16 March 1700 on an address that Kidd "may not be tried, discharged, or pardoned, until the next session of Parliament", with the Earl of Bellomont to transmit all papers relating to him, and on 16 April 1701 ordered his commission "and such other papers as Captain Kidd desires" delivered by the Clerk of the House to the Secretary of the Admiralty.
    State paperJournal of the House of Commons, vol. xiii, minutes of 2 December 1699, 16 March 1700 and 16 April 1701, quoted in Brooks, Trial of Captain Kidd (1930)On: The Killing of William Moore (1697)
  79. The indictment lays the taking on 30 January in the ninth year of William III, about ten leagues from Cutsheen (Cochin) on the Malabar coast, of "a certain merchant ship, called the Quedagh Merchant", a regnal year which should make the date 30 January 1698 new style, while Kidd's own narrative says "about the first day of February following".
    Trial pamphlet and period narrativeThe indictment of William Kidd and nine others for piracy and robbery on the Quedagh Merchant, 1701, printed in full in Graham Brooks (ed.), The Trial of Captain Kidd, Notable British Trials, 1930; Kidd's narrative delivered at Boston, July 1699On: The Capture of the Quedagh Merchant (1698)
  80. Kidd approached under French colours as a decoy and hoisted English colours only after the prize's officer was aboard, that officer being a Frenchman of the French factory at Surat and gunner of the ship, who said "Here is a good prize" and handed over the French pass; his office is given as master, gunner and pilot by different witnesses, and he is nowhere named.
    Period narrative and trial pamphletNarrative of the voyage of Captain William Kidd, written in his own hand at Boston, July 1699; evidence of Robert Bradinham and the report of Duncan Campbell, in The Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Captain William Kidd (1701) and the Calendar of State Papers Colonial, volume 17, item 680On: The Capture of the Quedagh Merchant (1698)
  81. Two French passes reached the Earl of Bellomont at Boston on 13 June 1699 and were forwarded to the Council of Trade and Plantations, one calendared with the date 14 January 1698, but they never reached Kidd, who refused to plead until they were produced and told the court "My justification depends on them"; on 16 April 1701 the Commons ordered his papers delivered to the Secretary of the Admiralty, and on 9 May 1701 Kidd and six of his men were convicted on this indictment while the three servants Robert Lamley, Richard Barlicorn and William Jenkins were acquitted.
    State paper, Journal of the House of Commons and trial pamphletGovernor the Earl of Bellomont to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Boston, 26 July 1699, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 17, 1699, item 680 with enclosures; Journals of the House of Commons, volume xiii, minute of 16 April 1701; The Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Captain William Kidd (1701), via Graham Brooks (ed.), Notable British Trials, 1930On: The Capture of the Quedagh Merchant (1698)
  82. The end of the Adventure Galley at Ile Sainte-Marie is recorded four ways and is not resolved: sunk in the harbour once the pumping party deserted, in Kidd's narrative and in the calendared text; run ashore, stripped and burnt for her ironwork, in the Boston depositions of Hugh Parrott and of Jenkins, Barlicorn and Lamley; burnt at sea before she reached the island, in Campbell's report of Kidd's oral account; and simply left because "she was not fit to go to sea again", in Bradinham's evidence at the bar.
    Period narrative, state paper and trial pamphletKidd's Narrative, July 1699 (CSP Colonial vol. 17, 680.XXV) and the calendared text of item 680; the Boston depositions of Hugh Parrott and of William Jenkins, Richard Barlicorn and Robert Lamley, July 1699; Campbell to Bellomont, 19 June 1699 (680.IV); Bradinham's evidence in The Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Captain William Kidd (1701); consulted through Brooks (ed.), The Trial of Captain Kidd (1930)On: Kidd and Culliford at Madagascar (1698)
  83. John Gardiner of Gardiners Island deposed on oath that Kidd asked him to keep three enslaved children, two boys and a girl, landed two bales of goods and another enslaved boy, gave him damnified muslin and Bengals for his wife, and later desired him "to take ashore with him and keep for him a Chest and a box of Gold and a bundle of Quilts and four bales of Goods", the box of gold being intended for my Lord, and that two of Kidd's crew named Cooke and Parrat left with him two bags of silver said to weigh thirty pound weight; Bellomont reported Kidd as "having owned he had buried some gold on that island", which the sworn narrative nowhere states.
    Sworn narrative in transcriptNarrative of John Gardiner, sworn at Boston before the Governor and Council on 17 July 1699 and attested by Secretary Isaac Addington, transcribed in Ralph D. Paine, The Book of Buried Treasure (1911) and calendared as enclosure 680.XXI to Calendar of State Papers Colonial, volume 17, item 680On: Kidd Arrested at Boston (1699)
  84. The two French passes went from Emott to Bellomont on 13 June 1699, from Bellomont to the Admiralty and thence to the House of Commons, which on 16 March 1700 addressed the King that Kidd "may not be tried, discharged, or pardoned, until the next session of Parliament" and that Bellomont transmit all papers relating to him, and on 16 April 1701 ordered his commission and such other papers as he desired delivered by the Clerk of the House to the Secretary of the Admiralty; they were never put into Kidd's hands at the Old Bailey sessions of May 1701, and the originals, afterwards located among Colonial Office papers, are now at The National Archives in CO 5/860.
    Journal of the House of Commons, state paper and archival catalogueJournals of the House of Commons, volume xiii, minutes of 16 March 1700 and 16 April 1701, quoted in Graham Brooks (ed.), The Trial of Captain Kidd, Notable British Trials, 1930 and corroborated in Richard Chandler, The History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, volume 3; The National Archives, Kew, CO 5/860On: Kidd Arrested at Boston (1699)
  85. The prisoners went from Newgate to the scaffold in Admiralty procession, the rival 1701 sheet recording that "All the prisoners were conveyed from Newgate to the execution dock in Wapping by the officers of the Admiralty and others, carrying the Silver Oar before them according to the usual custom"; the same sheet declines to say whether Kidd's behaviour after condemnation came from "an heroick temper" or "from a conceited hope of obtaining a reprieve", where Lorrain has him "vainly flattering himself with hopes of a reprieve", and both readings are carried; and no source consulted names the Marshal of the Admiralty or his deputy who carried the oar on 23 May 1701, the hangman, or the "other worthy divines" Lorrain says were present.
    Execution broadsheets, rival, with modern corroboration of the custom"The only True Account of the Dying Speeches of the Condemned Pirates" (London, 1701) and Lorrain, The Ordinary of Newgate his account... 23 May 1701, both quoted in Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911); the procession passage quoted independently at Global Maritime History, "The Silver Oar: Symbol of Punishment and Ambition"On: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  86. Captain William Kidd was hanged at Execution Dock, on the Wapping foreshore below the low water mark, on Friday 23 May 1701; Lorrain set him down at the scaffold as "about 56 years of age", while a modern scholarly retelling makes him 47, and both readings are carried.
    Trial pamphlet, execution broadsheet and contemporary newsletterThe arraignment, tryal, and condemnation of Captain William Kidd (London, printed for J. Nutt, 1701), title page; Paul Lorrain, The Ordinary of Newgate his account... of Captain William Kidd, and other pirates, that were executed at the Execution-Dock in Wapping, on Friday May 23. 1701; Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. V, 24 May 1701; the 1701 sheets and Luttrell consulted through C. N. Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (1911); with David Harpham, "The case of Captain William Kidd, a 300 year old miscarriage of justice?", New Histories (Sheffield, 2011-12) for the age of 47On: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  87. The rope broke at the first attempt and Kidd was tied up a second time and hanged, a detail resting on two witnesses independent of one another, Lorrain, who was present and returned to Kidd on the ladder, and Luttrell, who wrote on 24 May 1701 that "The halter of the 1st broke, but he was tied up again"; the later story that the crowd then called for his release as a sign from God appears in none of the three 1701 witnesses and is carried only as legend.
    Execution broadsheet and contemporary newsletterLorrain, The Ordinary of Newgate his account... 23 May 1701; Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. V, 24 May 1701 (page 53); both consulted through Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911); the crowd's alleged cry absent from Lorrain, the True Account and LuttrellOn: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  88. That Kidd was drunk at the gallows rests on Lorrain alone, who wrote that he found him "inflamed with drink, which had so discompos'd his mind that it was now in a very ill frame", while the rival sheet from the same printer, covering the same hour, makes no reference to drink at all, so the drunkenness stands as Lorrain's report and not as established fact, the only witness to it being the man whose printed reputation depended on Kidd dying penitent under his ministry.
    Execution broadsheets, rivalLorrain, The Ordinary of Newgate his account... 23 May 1701, against "The only True Account of the Dying Speeches of the Condemned Pirates" (London, 1701); both quoted in Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911); with the Old Bailey Proceedings Online project, "Ordinary of Newgate's Accounts", for Lorrain's commercial positionOn: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  89. Darby Mullins, an Irishman kidnapped as a youth and carried to the West Indies who had sailed with Kidd and afterwards with Robert Culliford, was hanged with Kidd, but whether he was the only man to die that afternoon is unresolved: Lorrain as transcribed by Dalton, and the Newgate Calendar, give Kidd and Mullins alone with the rest reprieved at the last moment, while Luttrell reports that "Capt. Kidd and 3 others condemned for pyracy, were executed at execution dock at Wapping", out of the eight co-defendants his trial entry records as under sentence of death.
    Execution broadsheet, contemporary newsletter and compilation of execution narrativesLorrain, The Ordinary of Newgate his account... 23 May 1701, with Mullins's confession, as transcribed in Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911); The Newgate Calendar, "Captain John Kidd"; Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. V, 10 May and 24 May 1701, via Dalton; the co-defendants named on the title page of The arraignment, tryal, and condemnation of Captain William Kidd (1701)On: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  90. Kidd's body is said to have been hung in chains on the Thames, and a contemporary newspaper puts the gibbets at Hope Point in the river rather than at Tilbury: pirates who plundered a Boston ship in 1720 said they would not go to Hope Point to be hung up in gibbets a sun drying as Kidd and Bradish's company did. No contemporary order for the gibbeting was found in the papers searched, and the three years the body is said to have hung there is carried by no document read.
    Contemporary newspaper and a period narrative, with a documented absenceExtract from the Boston News-Letter, 22 August 1720, from the file of the Massachusetts Historical Society, printed in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Washington, 1923), doc. 117: "often saying they would not go to Hope point in the River of Thames to be hung up in Gibbets a Sundrying as Kidd and Bradish's Company did". The same speech in A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724): "neither would they go to Hope-Point, to be hang'd up a Sun drying, as Kidd's, and Braddish's Company were". No order for the gibbeting was found in the Journal of the House of Lords, vol. 16, pp. 711-713, in Lysons, The Environs of London, vol. 4 (1796), or among the Kidd papers printed by Jameson.On: The Execution of William Kidd (1701)
  91. Over several days after the boarding the pirates ransacked the Ganj-i-Sawai, tortured captives to make them give up hidden coin and jewels, murdered prisoners and raped women aboard, with a number of women reported to have thrown themselves into the sea or killed themselves; the numbers of the dead and the assaulted are nowhere securely recorded.
    Period chronicle and secondary narrativeMuntakhab al-Lubab of Muhammad Hashim, known as Khafi Khan, consulted through translation and secondary citation; Golden Age of Piracy, Pirate Round: Capture of the Ganj-i-Sawai; echoed in part by the confessions of captured pirates in the 1696 TryalsOn: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  92. A wreck located off Beaufort Inlet by Intersal Inc. and announced by the State of North Carolina as the Queen Anne's Revenge is widely accepted as the ship lost in 1718, the identification resting on the convergence of location, date, size, armament and a large consistent artefact assemblage rather than on any single name bearing object, and the site has yielded cannon, anchors, navigational instruments and thousands of smaller artefacts.
    Modern archaeologyNorth Carolina Queen Anne's Revenge project (NC DNCR), qaronline.orgOn: The Grounding of the Queen Anne's Revenge (1718)
  93. Rackham is reported to have taken the King's Pardon and returned to piracy, working a small sloop around Cuba, Hispaniola and the Jamaican coast in 1720 and taking small fishing and trading craft rather than large prizes; in August 1720 he and a few companions stole the sloop William from the harbour at Nassau, New Providence, and on 5 September 1720 Woodes Rogers, Governor of the Bahamas, issued a proclamation naming Rackham and his companions pirates and enemies of the Crown.
    Period narrativeLibrary of Congress, In Custodia Legis law blog, "The Life and Trial of Anne Bonny" (2024); A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson (1724)On: The Capture of John Rackham (1720)
  94. Barnet hailed the William and called on her to surrender, was answered by a refusal and a shot, and replied with a broadside and small-arms fire that carried away the sloop's boom and disabled her, upon which the pirates called for quarter; the engagement was brief and one-sided, little or no loss of life is recorded on either side, and the whole company together with others found aboard was carried in as prisoners.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson (1724)On: The Capture of John Rackham (1720)
  95. The prisoners were carried to St Jago de la Vega (Spanish Town), where the Court of Vice-Admiralty condemned Rackham and the men of his company on 16 and 17 November 1720; Rackham was hanged on 18 November 1720 at the gallows on the approaches to Port Royal, his body was afterwards hung in irons on a small cay at the main harbour entrance then called Plumb Point, which by the middle of the eighteenth century had come to be called Rackham's Cay, and several of the company hanged with him or within days while others were acquitted or otherwise dealt with.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and other Pirates... St. Jago de la Vega, Jamaica, printed by Robert Baldwin, 1721 (National Library of Jamaica; TNA Discovery C14075679); Library of Congress, In Custodia Legis law blog, "The Life and Trial of Anne Bonny" (2024)On: The Capture of John Rackham (1720)
  96. The 1724 General History of the Pyrates reports two and twenty vessels in Trepassey harbour, all burned or sunk except one Bristol galley, together with the destruction of the fisheries and the stages of the poor planters, a scale that Lieutenant Governor Gledhill's letter of 3 July 1720 to Secretary Craggs, reporting near 150 boats and 26 ships destroyed at Trepassey and St Mary's that summer, bears out in general terms, the exact count remaining Johnson's.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates (1724), chapter on Captain Bartholomew Roberts, attributed to Captain Charles JohnsonOn: Roberts Sacks Trepassey (1720)
  97. The Phoenix man of war, Captain Pearse commanding, lay at New Providence in the early months of 1718 and by his management and conduct brought a great many of the pirates there to surrender, giving them certificates of their having done so. The Lieutenant Governor of Bermuda, reporting this on 29 March 1718 at second hand from surrenderers who had come in to him, was told that there were not above 200 pirates at Providence and Harbour Island, all of them quiet and respectful to Pearse.
    Colonial state papersLieutenant Governor Benjamin Bennett to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Bermuda, 29 March 1718, C.O. 37, 10, no. 9, calendared as Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 30, 1717 to 1718, no. 474, read on British History Online: "They left att Providence the Phenex man of war Capt. Pierce Comander who had been there three weeks, and by his prudent managemt. and conduct had occasioned a great m[an]y of the pirates to surrender upon which he gives them certificates of their soe doeing, they all tell me that there is not above 200 men (I mean pirates) att Providence and Harbour Island who are all very quiet and respectful to Capt. Pierce"On: The Act of Grace, the King's Pardon (1717 to 1718)
  98. Chaloner Ogle retained value from the captured pirate ships and rose eventually to Admiral of the Fleet, and he was reported knighted in 1723, said to be the only Royal Navy officer so honoured for an action against pirates; the destruction of the most powerful pirate company then at sea, following the deaths and captures of the other leading captains of the preceding years and a firmer naval and judicial response, is generally held to mark the effective end of the Golden Age of Atlantic piracy.
    Museum accountRoyal Museums Greenwich, "Death of Bartholomew Roberts," rmg.co.uk, accessed 2026, for the reported knighthood of 1723, the claim that Ogle was the only naval officer so honoured for an anti-piracy operation, his retention of value from the captured ships and his later rise to Admiral of the Fleet (Probable), and for the action as the conventional close of the Golden Age of Atlantic piracy (Probable). The precise form of Ogle's honour awaits confirmation from official records, so the knighthood stands as an open question rather than as a stated fact, and the reading of the action as the end of an age is given as a judgement made afterwardsOn: The Battle of Cape Lopez (1722)
  99. Over about five or six days the pirates stopped, boarded and plundered a succession of inbound and outbound merchant vessels off the Charles Town Bar and took hostages from them; the figure of eight or nine ships is given by the 1724 General History.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson (London, 1724)On: Blackbeard's Blockade of Charles Town (1718)
  100. Rather than assault the town Blackbeard sent a demand ashore for a chest of medicines, threatening that if it were refused the prisoners would be killed, the captured ships burned and the hostages' heads sent to the Governor; the General History adds that a captive named Mr Marks carried the demand in, that delivery was delayed when the pirates escorting him went drinking in the town, and that Blackbeard suspected treachery and threatened his captives before the chest arrived, a scene resting almost wholly on that book.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson (London, 1724)On: Blackbeard's Blockade of Charles Town (1718)
  101. Within a short time of lifting the blockade of Charles Town, Blackbeard took the flotilla north to North Carolina, where, on pretence of running into Topsail Inlet to clean, he grounded the Queen Anne's Revenge, and Israel Hands's sloop, ordered to his assistance, ran ashore near her, so that both were lost. He then reduced his company, going into the tender sloop with forty hands and marooning seventeen men on a sandy island, and went up to the Governor of North Carolina, Charles Eden, with about twenty of his men, to surrender under the King's proclamation and receive certificates of it. The Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, reporting the loss at second hand, dates it to June 1718 but places it at the mouth of Ocracoke Inlet and says that two of the four sloops under Thache's command were lost with the ship, so the place and the number of vessels lost are not agreed between the two accounts.
    Period narrative and colonial state papersA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), attributed to Charles Johnson, read in the Project Gutenberg text: "on Pretence of running into Topsail Inlet to clean, he grounded his Ship, and then, as if it had been done undesignedly, and by Accident; he orders Hands's Sloop to come to his Assistance, and get him off again, which he endeavouring to do, ran the Sloop on Shore near the other, and so were both lost. This done, Teach goes into the Tender Sloop, with forty Hands... then takes seventeen others and Marroons them upon a small sandy Island", and "Teach goes up to the Governor of North-Carolina, with about twenty of his Men, surrender to his Majesty's Proclamation, and receive Certificates thereof, from his Excellency", the Governor being named as "Charles Eden, Esq"; against which Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to the Council of Trade and Plantations, 22 December 1718, C.O. 5, 1318, no. 61, calendared as Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 30, 1717 to 1718, no. 800, read on British History Online, reports "that one Capt. Tach a noted pyrate in a ship of 40 guns run ashore in June, at the mouth of Ouacoch Inlett in North Carolina where that ship and two of the four sloops he had under his command were lost, and that he and his crew had surrendered to the Governor of that Province"On: Blackbeard's Blockade of Charles Town (1718)
  102. The expedition that took Bonnet was a provincial counter-piracy operation authorised by Governor Robert Johnson of South Carolina and led by Colonel William Rhett, who sailed from Charles Town in September 1718 with two sloops, the Henry and the Sea Nymph, each mounting about eight guns, and a force of provincial volunteers and militia given in the sources as about 130 men; Bonnet had put into the Cape Fear River, apparently to careen and refit.
    Secondary sourcesNic Butler, "The Pirate Executions of 1718", Charleston Time Machine, Charleston County Public LibraryOn: The Trial and Hanging of Stede Bonnet (1718)
  103. The bulk of Bonnet's crew were tried before the South Carolina Court of Vice-Admiralty at Charles Town in sessions that opened on 28 October 1718 and continued by adjournments to 12 November 1718, and about twenty-nine of them were hanged at White Point on 8 November 1718, roughly a month ahead of their commander; a small number were acquitted or otherwise spared.
    Trial pamphlet and secondary sourcesNic Butler, "The Pirate Executions of 1718", Charleston Time Machine, Charleston County Public Library; "The Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet, and Other Pirates" (London, 1719)On: The Trial and Hanging of Stede Bonnet (1718)
  104. Bonnet was arraigned separately before Nicholas Trott, chief justice of South Carolina and presiding judge of the provincial Court of Vice-Admiralty, on about 10 November 1718, on two counts of piracy laid in respect of the sloop Francis and the sloop Fortune; he was convicted about 12 November 1718 and sentenced by Trott to death by hanging, the sentencing charge being preserved at length in the printed proceedings.
    Trial pamphlet"The Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet, and Other Pirates" (London, 1719), proceedings of the South Carolina Court of Vice-Admiralty, prosecution by attorney general Richard Allein, charge by Judge Nicholas TrottOn: The Trial and Hanging of Stede Bonnet (1718)
  105. The number of ships lost in the disaster of 1715 and the number of dead are both disputed, and the earliest English official notice bears only on the first. Lieutenant Governor Spotswood of Virginia reported on 24 October 1715 that the plate fleet consisted of eleven sail and that all but one were cast away, which agrees with the 1715 Fleet Society's count of eleven in the assembly with only one escaping, that is ten Spanish hulls lost; the same report adds a further loss, a barcolongo sent from Havana afterwards and cast away about forty miles north of St Augustine with plate recovered from the wrecks. The higher counts of eleven or twelve hulls turn on whether the Frenchman and a captured sloop are counted, which is a different way of counting rather than a different claim. The death toll, variously given as over 600, more than a thousand and about 1,500, is not settled by any document read here.
    State papersLieut. Governor Spotswood to [? Mr. Secretary Stanhope], Virginia, 24 October 1715, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 28, 1714-1715, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, 1928), no. 651, at p. 317, C.O. 5, 1342. No. 3, read on British History Online: "the Spanish Plate Fleet richly laden, consisting of eleven sail, are, except one, lately cast away in the Gulf of Florida to the southward of St. Augustin"On: The Wreck of the 1715 Spanish Treasure Fleet
  106. Benjamin Hornigold lost the command of his pirate company in 1716 and Samuel Bellamy was put in his place by the majority of the men.
    Trial pamphletThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy (Boston, 1718), appendix of examinations taken 6 May 1717On: Hornigold Voted Out (1716); Benjamin Hornigold; Samuel Bellamy
  107. Abijah Savage, master of the Antigua sloop Bonetta, deposed before Walter Hamilton, Governor in Chief of the Leeward Islands, that on 9 November 1716 he was taken by the Mary Anne, commanded by one Samuel Bellamy, and the Postillion, commanded by one Louis de Boure, each of eight guns and between eighty and ninety men, and named no Hornigold; that fixes Bellamy in independent command by that date and makes any later dating of the division difficult.
    Colonial deposition, used at second handDeposition of Abijah Savage, Antigua, as transcribed in Dethlefsen, Whidaw and quoted in Laura Nelson, "John King: The Boy Pirate"On: Hornigold Voted Out (1716)
  108. Forced men were not allowed a vote in Bellamy's company: Thomas Davis deposed at Boston that when the company was called together and each man to give his vote "they would not allow the forced Men to have a Vote. There were One hundred and thirty forced Men in all, and Eighty of the Old company", which describes the practice in early 1717 rather than the meeting that chose Bellamy.
    Trial pamphletThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy (Boston, 1718), examination of Thomas Davis; the modern scholarly use of Brown's sentence in Peter T. Leeson, "The Invisible Hook: The Law and Economics of Pirate Tolerance"On: Hornigold Voted Out (1716)
  109. The King's warrant to Lynch to arrest Modyford was drawn at Whitehall on 10 March 1671, before news of Panama can have reached London, so the recall was probably already running on the Treaty of Madrid and on the general problem of Jamaica commissions, with Panama then making it irreversible; Lynch invited Modyford aboard the Assistance and arrested him on 12 August 1671, shipped him to England in the Jamaica Merchant on 22 August, and saw him committed close prisoner to the Tower on 17 November 1671 for several misdemeanours committed during the time of his government, in the calendar editor's abstract, while Lynch's proclamation of 15 August 1671 announced the imprisonment and offered a free pardon and indemnity to all who submitted and abstained from further hostilities.
    Calendared state papers, warrants and proclamationMinutes of the Council of Jamaica with the King's warrant of 10 March 1671, the proclamation of Sir Thomas Lynch of 15 August 1671 and Lynch on Modyford's departure of 22 August 1671, entries 601, 602 and 609, Col. Papers, Vol. XXVII.; warrants to the Lieutenant of the Tower, 17 November 1671, entries 653 and 654, Dom. Entry Bk., Chas. II., Vol. XXXIV., p. 121; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 31 May 1671, entry 543On: Morgan's Sack of Panama (1671)
  110. The Cartagena expedition of 1697: Bernard Desjean, Baron de Pointis, made the sailing signal and was under sail from Brest at daybreak on 7 January 1697; the whole assistance he had from the government of Saint-Domingue was about 650 buccaneers, 110 inhabitants of Saint Domingo, 170 garrison soldiers of the coast and 180 Africans; the city was stormed at the end of April and he lay there until the last of May. By his own account the plunder that could not escape him came to near upon eight or nine millions. The division ended in an extremely bitter quarrel with Governor Jean-Baptiste du Casse, who reckoned two of the eight millions belonged to the buccaneers but was shown an account in which his and their shares amounted only to about 40,000 crowns; and at the end of May the buccaneers, enraged at the small part given them, resolved to return and plunder Cartagena a second time.
    Commander's printed accountAn Account of the Taking of Carthagena by the French in the Year 1697... By Monsieur De Pointis, Commander in Chief (London, printed for Sam. Buckley, 1698), read in the Internet Archive copy of the Early English Books scan: "I made the sailing Signal, and was under Sail by that time it was Day, it being upon the Seventh of January, 1697"; "Seven Frigats from Eight to Twenty four Guns, on board them about Six hundred and fifty Buccaniers, One hundred and ten Inhabitants of S. Domingo, One hundred and seventy Garrison Soldiers of the Coast, and One hundred and eighty Negroes... This was all the assistance which I received from the Government of St. Domingo"; "besides near upon Eight or Nine Millions that could not escape us"; "by his Calculation, of the eight Millions, he reckon'd two of them belong'd to the Buccaniers"; "his, and the Buccaniers Shares, amounted only to about 40000 Crowns... he fell into such a Rage"; "the Buccaniers being enrag'd at the small part I gave them of the Booty... they were come to the Resolution, to return and plunder Carthagena"On: The Treaty of Ryswick (1697)
  111. Utrecht left the Bahamas formally British and practically ungoverned, and the calendared colonial record shows the gap being filled within three years and three months of the signatures: Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, reported to the Council of Trade and Plantations on 3 July 1716 Old Style that a nest of pirates was endeavouring to establish itself at Providence and might prove dangerous to British commerce, enclosing depositions from John Vickers and Alexander Stockdale that gave Benjamin Hornigold sailing in January with 140 men, six guns and eight pattararas and about fifty deserters ashore under Thomas Barrow, who gave out that he was Governor of Providence and would make the place a second Madagascar, and on 31 May 1717 Old Style the Council advised Secretary Addison that the pirates were grown so numerous that trade was in danger, recommended a fourth rate or two fifth rates and proposed a pardon for those surrendering within a limited time; the 1724 narrative dates the Spanish plate fleet wreck that drew the salvage crowds to about 1714.
    Calendared state papers, with a period narrativeCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 29, 1716 to 1717, ed. Cecil Headlam (HMSO, 1930), item 240 with enclosures 240 i to iii (C.O. 5, 1317. Nos. 45, 45 i. to iii.) and item 596 (C.O. 324, 10. pp. 117 to 120), digitised on British History Online; A General History of the Pyrates, second edition (London, printed for T. Warner, 1724), attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, authorship disputed, for the Jennings raid and the wreck datingOn: The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)
  112. The causal link from Utrecht to the post-war surge in Atlantic piracy is carried as probable and never as confirmed, because the file holds parallel causes rather than one: the 1724 General History states the demobilisation mechanism directly, that "Privateers in Time of War are a Nursery for Pyrates against a Peace", and opens its Martel chapter by coming to the pirates that have risen since the Peace of Utrecht; the same text supplies a second and independent cause in Spanish colonial governors, "being often some hungry Courtiers, sent thither to repair or make a Fortune", commissioning vessels of war to seize all shipping within five leagues of their coasts, with English reprisal following; and no naval manpower figure is asserted anywhere.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, second edition (London, printed for T. Warner, 1724), attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, authorship disputed, preface, introduction and the chapter on Martel, quoted from the Project Gutenberg transcription of the page scansOn: The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)
  113. The colonial special courts of admiralty that carried the suppression, sitting without a jury before the governor and whatever officers of the Crown and Navy were to hand, rested on the Piracy Act 1698 (11 Will. 3. c. 7), which was made perpetual by an Act of the sixth year of George I, the trial print naming it so without a chapter number and the usual identification being 6 Geo. I c. 19; the Boston court of July 1726, with Captain James Cornwall of His Majesty's ship Sheerness sitting as a commissioner, is that instrument in its last full use.
    Statute and trial pamphletPiracy Act 1698, 11 Will. 3. c. 7, made perpetual by 6 Geo. 1. c. 19 s. 3, Statute Law Database; The Tryals of Sixteen Persons for Piracy, Boston, 1726On: The Final Anti-Piracy Campaigns (1726 to 1728)
  114. Legend-making overlapped the suppression rather than following it: A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates appeared in London in 1724 under the pseudonym Captain Charles Johnson, reached an enlarged fourth edition by 1726, and had its second volume published in 1728 with a chapter on William Fly carrying gallows details that Cotton Mather does not report; the authorship remains unsettled, P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens having dismantled the attribution to Daniel Defoe in 1988 and Arne Bialuschewski having proposed the printer Nathaniel Mist in 2004.
    Period narrative and modern attribution scholarshipA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates, London, 1724 and 1728; George Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630 to 1730, chapter XVIII; P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens, 1988; Arne Bialuschewski, "Daniel Defoe, Nathaniel Mist, and the General History of the Pyrates", PBSA 98:1 (2004), 21 to 38On: The Final Anti-Piracy Campaigns (1726 to 1728)
  115. The Board of Admiralty was the standing commission of Lords Commissioners, named in royal letters patent and headed by a First Lord, that executed the office of Lord High Admiral and governed the operational Royal Navy whenever that office was in commission.
    Calendared office-holder listJ. C. Sainty, Lord High Admiral and Commissioners of the Admiralty 1660 to 1870, Office-Holders in Modern Britain vol. 4 (British History Online)On: The Board of Admiralty
  116. Prince George of Denmark, consort of Queen Anne, held the office as sole Lord High Admiral from 20 May 1702 until his death in 1708, and from about 1709 the office returned permanently to commission for the remainder of the golden age.
    Calendared office-holder listJ. C. Sainty, Lord High Admiral and Commissioners of the Admiralty 1660-1870, Office-Holders in Modern Britain vol. 4 (British History Online)On: The Board of Admiralty
  117. Naval force directed through the Admiralty killed Edward Teach at Ocracoke Inlet in November 1718, under Lieutenant Robert Maynard, and Bartholomew Roberts off Cape Lopez on 10 February 1722, when Captain Chaloner Ogle in HMS Swallow took the Royal Fortune.
    Modern secondary synthesisAgainst the Black Flag: Anti Piracy Operations 1715-1723 (Adventures in Historyland, 5 July 2017)On: The Board of Admiralty
  118. The Board of Trade, formally the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, was created by William III by commission under the great seal on 15 May 1696 to superintend the trade of England and the government, commerce and defence of the colonies, replacing the Lords of Trade and Plantations, a Privy Council committee that had carried colonial business from 1675; the Board rested on royal prerogative and not on any founding Act of Parliament, and it is probable that the King acted to forestall Parliamentary pressure for a board of Parliamentary nomination.
    Office-holder list resting on the primary commissions, with secondary surveyJ. C. Sainty (ed.), Commissioners of Trade and Plantations 1696 to 1782, in Office-Holders in Modern Britain volume 3, Institute of Historical Research, British History Online; The Board of Trade and Plantations, 1688 to 1761, Journal of the American Revolution, 2020On: The Board of Trade
  119. The commission of 15 May 1696 constituted the commissioners "for promoting the trade of the Kingdom and for inspecting and improving the Plantations", with five a quorum and the ex officio members to be called in only when their particular attendance was requisite. The trial of pirates lay elsewhere: the Act of 11 and 12 William III for the more effectual suppression of piracy provided that piracies be tried in the plantations before commissioners named by the King's commission under the great seal of England or the seal of the Admiralty, in a court of at least seven persons. The fuller account of what the Board could and could not do, that it reviewed colonial legislation and drafted governors' commissions but could not appoint an officer, disallow a colonial law, issue an order or command a ship, rests on modern accounts and is not established by the documents read here.
    Calendared commission and statuteCommission of 15 May 1696, calendared as no. 1 in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 15, 1696-1697, British History Online, from Board of Trade, Journal, 9, pp. 1-6, appointing commissioners "for promoting the trade of the Kingdom and for inspecting and improving the Plantations", with "any five of them are to be a quorum" and "The ex officio members are to be called in only when their particular attendance is requisite." An Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy, 11 William III c. 7, in Statutes of the Realm: Volume 7, 1695-1701, ed. John Raithby (1820), pp. 590-594, British History Online: all piracies, felonies and robberies at sea "may be examined inquired of tryed heard and determined and adjudged according to the Directions of this Act in any Place at Sea or upon the Land in any of His Majesties Islands Plantations Colonies Dominions Forts of Factories to be appointed for that Purpose by the Kings Commission or Commissions under the Great Seale of England or the Seale of the Admiralty of England directed to all or any of the Admiralls Vice-Admiralls Reer-Admiralls Judges of Vice-Admiralties or Commanders of any of His Majesties Ships of Warr", the court to "consist of Seaven Persons at the least".On: The Board of Trade
  120. The Board's representations on the weakness of piracy prosecutions, which under the older law required suspects to be shipped to England for trial, form part of the background to the Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy, 11 Will. 3 c. 7, passed in the session of 1698 to 1699 and given royal assent on 11 April 1700, which allowed pirates to be tried in the colonies by commissioned courts of vice-admiralty sitting under the governor and composed of officials, naval officers and merchants; Parliament and not the Board made that statute and the Board's share in drafting it should not be overstated, though the Act answered problems the Board had documented and the Board thereafter worked its effects through the governors it instructed.
    Statute, with secondary legal literatureAn Act for the more effectuall Suppression of Piracy, 11 Gul. III c. 7, Statutes of the Realm volume 7, pp. 590 to 594, British History Online; Toby Gane, Aspects of English Law Concerning Piracy and Privateering, 1603 to 1760, University of St AndrewsOn: The Board of Trade
  121. The East India Company petitioned the Lords Justices in July 1696 for effectual means against Every, and proclamations followed. The proclamation of the Privy Council of Scotland, given under the signet at Edinburgh on 18 August 1696, declared Every and his accomplices pirates, forbade all subjects to shelter or supply them, and offered five hundred pounds sterling for Every himself and fifty pounds for each of twenty-five named accomplices. The English proclamation of the Lords Justices is referred to in the colonial papers but its text has not been read here, so the date of 17 July 1696 is not established; and no bounty of about a thousand pounds appears in the proclamation that has been read.
    Proclamation and state papersProclamation for apprehending Henry Every, alias Bridgeman, and sundry other Pirates, given under the signet at Edinburgh the eighteenth day of August 1696 by William III with advice of the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, printed at Edinburgh by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, read in the Internet Archive copy of the Early English Books text (archive.org/details/bim_early-english-books-1641-1700_proclamation-for-apprehe_scotland-privy-council_1696): "We with Advice foresaid do make Offer, and Assure the Payment of the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Sterling for the said Henry Every, alias Bridgman", and fifty pounds sterling for every one of the other persons named (the words for the lesser sum imperfectly printed in this copy), and "We with Advice foresaid Peremptorly Inhibit and Discharge all, and every one of Our Subjects whatsomever to Shelter, Harbour, Conceal, or any ways Assist, or Supply the said Henry Every, or any of his Accomplices". Petition of the East India Company to the Lords Justices, endorsed as read 16 July 1696, printed as document 58 in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (1923). Robert Snead to Sir John Houblon, endorsed "Recd. Read, 20 Sept., 1697", Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol 15, 1696-1697, no. 1,331, British History Online, for "the proclamation of the Lords Justices".On: The East India Company
  122. Woodes Rogers is the clearest field instance of the machinery, arriving as Governor of the Bahamas in late July 1718 under royal authority, his own despatch as calendared in the Calendar of State Papers Colonial and followed on the Nassau record giving 26 July.
    Calendared state paperRogers's despatch as calendared in the Calendar of State Papers Colonial, item 737, carried on the Nassau recordOn: The Privy Council and the Secretaries of State
  123. About 272 survivors of Bartholomew Roberts's company, a reconstructed rather than a printed total, taken by HMS Swallow at Cape Lopez on 10 February 1722, were tried at Cape Coast Castle under the 1698 Act, where 52 of the 54 condemned Europeans were hanged, 20 signed indentures with the Royal African Company, about 65 to 70 African crewmen were sold or returned to slavery, and 17 were sent to the Marshalsea in London, some of them later acquitted; some later accounts give as many as 72 condemned, a figure the printed record's tables do not support.
    Trial record extract and museum surveyDeath sentence for Roberts' crew, court of admiralty at Cape Coast Castle, 5 April 1722, transcribed from the trial record; Death of Bartholomew Roberts, Royal Museums GreenwichOn: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  124. On 10 February 1722 HMS Swallow under Captain Chaloner Ogle destroyed Bartholomew Roberts's squadron off Cape Lopez, Roberts being killed, after which the prisoners were carried to the Royal African Company's headquarters at Cape Coast Castle for a vice-admiralty trial in 1722.
    Museum accountDeath of Bartholomew Roberts (Royal Museums Greenwich)On: The Royal African Company
  125. Off Cape Lopez on 10 February 1722 HMS Swallow, commanded by Captain Chaloner Ogle, engaged and destroyed the company of Bartholomew Roberts, who was killed aboard the Royal Fortune, the charge of grapeshot in the throat being Johnson's account, carried as Possible on his own record.
    Museum account"Death of Bartholomew Roberts" (Royal Museums Greenwich)On: The Royal Navy
  126. The survivors of Roberts's company were tried before the Court of Admiralty at Cape Coast Castle in 1722 under the powers extended overseas by the 1698 Act; Royal Museums Greenwich gives 72 men sentenced to death, of whom 52 were hanged and 20 had sentences commuted to indentured labour in the mines, a sentencing tally the printed trial record does not support, its tables giving 54 condemned, 52 hanged and 2 respited, with the 20 sentenced to seven years' servitude to the Royal African Company rather than to the mines, which is the count the Archive's trial record carries as Confirmed and this record follows.
    Museum account and printed trial record"Death of Bartholomew Roberts" (Royal Museums Greenwich); the printed record of the Cape Coast Castle trials, J. Roberts, London, 1723On: The Royal Navy
  127. The standing vice-admiralty court and the ad hoc court of admiralty commissioned to try pirates were distinct bodies constituted under different authorities, although they overlapped in personnel.
    Statute"William III, 1698 to 9: An Act for the more effectuall Suppression of Piracy [Chapter VII]", Statutes of the Realm, vol. 7, pp. 590 to 594, British History OnlineOn: The Colonial Vice-Admiralty Courts
  128. The Act was to be "in force for Seaven Yeares and to the End of the next Session of Parliament after the Expiration of the said Seaven Yeares and no longer", and was continued more than once before the Piracy Act 1721, 8 George I chapter 24, left the commission machinery available across the whole golden age.
    Statutes"William III, 1698 to 9: An Act for the more effectuall Suppression of Piracy [Chapter VII]", Statutes of the Realm, vol. 7, pp. 590 to 594, British History Online; The Statutes Project, "1721: 8 George 1 c.24: The Piracy Act", statutes.org.ukOn: The Colonial Vice-Admiralty Courts
  129. The Piracy Act is cited as 11 Will. 3 c. 7, also given as 11 and 12 Will. III c. 7, is long titled "An Act for the more effectuall Suppression of Piracy," and carries a modern short title of 1698 conferred retrospectively by the Statute Law Revision Act 1948, which is why catalogues date the same Act 1698, 1699 and 1700; it permitted piracy committed out of England to be tried before commissioners sitting under the Great Seal or the seal of the Admiralty.
    Statute textPiracy Act 1698, 11 Will. 3 c. 7, revised text as at 1 February 1991, legislation.gov.uk, for the citation, long title, preamble and the origin of the short titleOn: The House of Commons
  130. The Piracy Act 1721 (8 Geo. I c. 24) made it piracy to "anywise trade with any pirate, by truck, barter, exchange, or in any other manner" or to furnish a pirate with "any ammunition, provision, or stores of any kind," declared accessories under the Act of 1700 to be principals, and forfeited the wages of a master or seaman of an armed merchant ship who would not fight, with six months' imprisonment.
    Statute textPiracy Act 1721, 8 Geo. 1 c. 24, revised text as at 1 February 1991, legislation.gov.uk, for the trading, accessory and wages provisionsOn: The House of Commons
  131. The Commons' campaign over William Kidd failed in every object: on 6 December 1699 it put and rejected the question that the letters patent of pirates' goods to the Earl of Bellomont and others were "dishonourable to the King, against the Law of Nations, contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm, an Invasion of Property, and destructive of Trade and Commerce"; on 16 March 1700 it addressed the King that Kidd not be tried, discharged or pardoned before the next session and that Bellomont transmit all papers relating to him, with which the King complied; and it impeached Portland on 1 April 1701 and Somers, Orford and Halifax a fortnight later, Kidd's commission appearing in Orford's articles of 9 May and as the thirteenth of Somers's fourteen articles of 19 May, whereupon Somers was acquitted on 17 June 1701, Orford unanimously acquitted on 23 June and the remaining cases collapsed on 24 June with no managers sent to prosecute them.
    Printed parliamentary proceedings and the History of ParliamentThe History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, vol. 3, session begun 16 November 1699, pp. 106 to 127, British History Online, for the question of 6 December 1699 and the address of 16 March 1700; same work, vol. 3, session begun 6 February 1701, pp. 127 to 183, for the impeachment resolutions and the articles against Orford and Somers; History of Parliament Online, Lords biographies of Somers, Russell and Montagu, and the Trust's blog post "Impeachment II" (9 February 2021), for the acquittals and the absence of managers. The sources differ on two points: the printed proceedings date the April resolutions 14 April 1701 while the History of Parliament gives 15 April with a division of 189 to 182, and the Russell biography reports 43 peers present at Orford's acquittal in its main text while quoting Vernon for 44On: The House of Commons
  132. The Mughal empire had no navy worth the name and met the sea by delegation. Arnold Wright, writing from the East India Company's records, describes the Mughal fleet as "a rare assortment of craft from large vessels of 300 or 400 tons armed with heavy ordnance to row-boats, in which a few matchlock-men and spearmen found cramped accommodation", and judges that "as an opponent of well-found European squadron of ships this 'Navy' was contemptible"; the Sidhi, "as the Mogul admiral was called, was one of a line of sable adventurers of African blood, who, enrolled under the Mogul flag, had established themselves in the seventeenth century in the vicinity of Bombay". It was the Sidhi who invaded Bombay in 1689, overran Syon, Mahim and the outlying points and besieged the small English garrison in the fort, which is a heavier operation than a blockade. The admiral's name Yakut Khan, the Janjira connection and the date of about 1670 for the appointment are carried by nothing read here.
    Company-records monographArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times: The True Story of the Mythical Wesley Fortune (London, Andrew Melrose, 1918), chapter VI, The Sidhi's Invasion of Bombay, pages 129 to 134, written from the East India Company's records and read in a scanned copy on the Internet ArchiveOn: The Mughal Imperial Administration
  133. Henry Every's taking of the Ganj-i-Sawai in 1695 put the English at Surat in irons. The East India Company's Bombay letter of 12 October 1695 records that on 11 September one of Abdul Ghafur's ships came in whose people reported they had been plundered by an English vessel, and that on 13 September "the Gunsway, one of the Kings Ships, arrived from Judda and Mocho, the Nocqueda and Merchants, with one voice, proclaiming that they were robbed by four English Ships", whereupon "the Governour sent a very strong Guard to the Factory and clapt all our People in Irons, shut them up in a room, planked up all their windows". The immediate order was the Governor of Surat's, who referred the matter to the Emperor; the imperial decree, arriving in the closing days of 1695, took the form of a direction that all three European nations having factories in Surat should send ships to search for and bring in the pirates or pay the damages. Samuel Annesley and the leading men lay in irons until 27 June 1696, when the Court's orders for the reopening of the port reached the factory and the Governor caused the irons to be removed and the guard withdrawn, about nine months after the first confinement. The day of the taking of the ship is not settled: the indictment at the trial of Every's men in 1696 lays it on 28 September 1695, agreeing with neither the 5 September nor the 7 September given by later accounts.
    Company records, monograph and printed trialLetter of the General and Council for the English Affairs residing at Bombay, dated 12 October 1695, printed in J. F. Jameson, ed., Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (New York, 1923), in the section on the case of Henry Every; Arnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, Andrew Melrose, 1918), pages 164, 179 and 187, for the irons on Annesley and the leading men, for the imperial decree that the European nations convoy or pay, and for the release: "the welcome tidings of the arrival at Surat of the Court's orders for the reopening of the port reached the factory on June 27, and the same day the Governor caused the irons to be removed from the prisoners and the guard to be withdrawn" (Annesley's own reckoning of his second fettering, quoted at page 310, runs "from Dec. 11, '95. to June 26, '96"); and The Tryals of Joseph Dawson [and others] for Several Piracies and Robberies by Them Committed, in the Company of Every the Grand Pirate (London, printed for John Everingham, 1696), the second indictment being for that "on the 28th of September, 1695. in a Place 40 Leagues distant from Surrat, [they] did Forcibly and Beastially set upon a Moorish Ship, and take away her Tackle and Goods, to a great Value"On: The Mughal Imperial Administration
  134. The decisive obstacle to Sir William Norris's embassy was Aurangzeb's requirement, put at the audience before Panhala in April 1701, that the English company be made responsible for the suppression of all piracy, which the ambassador was authorised only to answer with the active operation of the king's ships; the translated drafts were found altered to include provisions he could not accept, no farman was obtained, and Norris died at sea in 1702.
    Scholarly monograph edited from unpublished recordsHarihar Das, The Norris Embassy to Aurangzib, 1699 to 1702, condensed and rearranged by S. C. Sarkar, Calcutta, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1959On: The Mughal Imperial Administration
  135. On 26 May 1719 Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood complained of the North Carolina officer Tobias Knight holding a combination of places as having had "too much correspondence" with Blackbeard's crew, so that the accusation is documented and complicity is not proved; William Rhett was surveyor and comptroller of the customs in Carolina.
    Calendared state papersCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies vol. 31, 1719 to 1720, ed. Cecil Headlam, Spotswood to the Council of Trade and Plantations, 26 May 1719, and the volume's entries for Rhett as surveyor and comptroller of the customs in CarolinaOn: The Customs Service
  136. Naval victualling in this period was the work of a state board and not of a private contractor: the Commissioners of the Victualling sat at the Victualling Office in London, laded provisions on the government's order and applied to the Treasury for the charge, and supplied the King's ships on distant stations through correspondents under contract to them.
    Official correspondence of the Victualling Board and the AdmiraltyThe Victualling Board to William Popple, Victualling Office, 9 May 1698, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol. 16, 1697-1698, no. 438, p. 206 (Board of Trade, Newfoundland, 3, nos. 110 and 110 I): "Pursuant to orders we have laden the provisions for Newfoundland in the ship John of London" and "we shall apply for that sum to the Treasury", signed Tho. Papillon, Hum. Ayles, John Burrington. Josiah Burchett to Mr Popple, Admiralty Office, 25 June 1719, same Calendar, vol. 31, 1719-1720, no. 263, p. 138 (C.O. 152, 12, no. 141): "I have received an answer from the Commissioners of the Victualling... that they have wrote to their correspondent at Barbados (who is under contract with them to supply the ships both there and at the Leeward Islands)". Neither document dates the founding of the board.On: Private Shipyards and Victuallers
  137. Samuel Bellamy's ship was the Widdaw, taken from Captain Prince as he was turning through the Bahama Islands homeward bound from Jamaica; she carried twenty six guns and had a hundred and twenty men aboard when, after taking a Madeira ship near Cape Cod on 27 April 1717, her people got drunk and ran her ashore at a place called Nossetts Bay to the southward of the Cape, and only two of the men were saved.
    Governor's despatch reporting advice from BostonLieutenant Governor Benjamin Bennett to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Bermuda, 30 July 1717, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol. 29, 1716-1717, no. 677, p. 360 (C.O. 37, 10, no. 5): "From Boston in New England I am advised that on the 27th of April a pirate ship of 26 guns commanded by one Bellemy met with a ship, bound for New England from the Maderas which she took near Cape Codd... The pirates in both vessells regaled themselves so liberally with Madera that they all got drunk and ran their own vessell on shoar att a place called Nossetts Bay to the Southward of the Cape, on board her were 120 men, two whereof were only saved: The ship that Bellamy had called the Widdaw, which he took from one Capt. Prince belonging to Bristol as he was turning through the Bohama Islands from Jamaica bound home". Bennett is repeating advice from Boston and was not a witness.On: Private Shipyards and Victuallers
  138. The Adventure Galley was so leaky by the spring of 1698 that she had to be woolded round with cables to keep her together, and Kidd gave her up at St Mary's in Madagascar that year; the manner of her end is unresolved, his own narrative saying she sank in the harbour once the men who pumped her were carried away, Duncan Campbell's memorial saying the company took out her guns and set her on fire, and Edward Buckmaster's examination saying only that she sank at St Mary's, and no source read mentions worm. Blackbeard's ship of forty guns was run ashore and lost in June 1718, at Topsail Inlet by the 1724 account and at the mouth of Ouacoch Inlet by Spotswood's.
    The captain's own narrative, two examinations and a period narrativeNarrative of William Kidd, 7 July 1699, Public Record Office C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXV, printed in J. F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Washington, 1923), doc. 76: "the said Gally was so leaky that they feared she would have sunk every hour, and it required eight men, every two Glasses to keep her free, and was forced to woold her round with Cables to keep her together", and "the Moors he had to pump and keep the Adventure Gally above Water being carried away, she sunk in the harbour". Memorial of Duncan Campbell, 19 June 1699, same collection, doc. 75, reporting Kidd's account: "haveing taken out of her her Guns and some other Things and put them on board the Prize, sett the said Gally on fire". Examination of Edward Buckmaster, 6 June 1699, same collection, doc. 73: "afterwards the Adventure Galley sunck at Saint Maries, and Kidd and Company went on board the prize". A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724): "before the Queen Ann's Revenge was lost in Topsail Inlet". Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Virginia, 22 December 1718, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol. 30, 1717-1718, no. 800, pp. 430-431 (C.O. 5, 1318, no. 61): "one Capt. Tach a noted pyrate in a ship of 40 guns run ashore in June, at the mouth of Ouacoch Inlett in North Carolina".On: Private Shipyards and Victuallers
  139. The Trade with Africa Act 1697, cited as 9 Will. 3 c. 26, with the long title "An Act to settle the Trade to Africa" and a commencement given as 24 June 1698, opened the African trade to English merchants outside the Royal African Company on payment of ten per cent ad valorem on goods exported from England or the plantations to Africa, that duty being appropriated to the maintenance of the forts and castles on the African coast, with a further ten per cent on goods imported from Africa, the enslaved excepted, and so converted the interloper the Company could seize into the lawful separate trader with standing to be heard.
    Statute textTrade with Africa Act 1697, the text of the Act in the Statutes of the RealmOn: The London Merchant Networks
  140. Samuel Bellamy took the ship afterwards known as the Whydah from a Captain Prince and lost her on the Massachusetts shore in April 1717. Lieutenant Governor Benjamin Bennett of Bermuda, writing to the Council of Trade and Plantations on 30 July 1717, reports "The ship that Bellamy had called the Widdaw, which he took from one Capt. Prince belonging to Bristol as he was turning through the Bohama Islands from Jamaica bound home", and that on 27 April a pirate ship of 26 guns commanded by Bellamy took a vessel bound from Madeira to New England near Cape Cod, after which both crews got drunk and "ran their own vessell on shoar att a place called Nossetts Bay to the Southward of the Cape, on board her were 120 men, two whereof were only saved". Peter Heywood at Jamaica had already reported the same news on 3 July 1717 as "Bellamy with his ship and Company's perishing on ye shoals off of Cape Codd". The despatch places the capture in the Bahama Islands rather than the Windward Passage, dates the loss to 27 rather than 26 April, and makes Prince a Bristol man; the commissioning of the ship in London by Humphry Morice in 1715, her burthen of three hundred tuns, and Morice's offices at the Bank of England are not touched by it.
    State papers and official correspondenceLieutenant Governor Benjamin Bennett to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Bermuda, 30 July 1717, calendared as no. 677 in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, volume 29, 1716 to 1717 (July 1717, 17 to 31; pp. 344 to 364), C.O. 37, 10. No. 5, read at British History Online; and Peter Heywood, commander in chief of Jamaica, to the same, 3 July 1717, calendared as no. 629 in the same volume (pp. 336 to 344), C.O. 137, 12. No. 97. Bennett prefaces his account "From Boston in New England I am advised", so his report is an official relay of New England news rather than direct testimony.On: The London Merchant Networks; Samuel Bellamy; Whydah Gally
  141. Governor Fletcher's protections were bought, Samuel Staats and Leonard Lewis deposing in 1698 that they treated with Colonel Nicholas Bayard, who asked about one hundred pieces of eight for each and delivered them on payment of seventy-five pieces of eight for Fletcher and twelve pieces of Arabian gold for himself; and in June 1698 the Council of New York, some of whose members were concerned in the ships, unanimously opposed Bellomont's proposal that security be required of four vessels lading for Madagascar, so that they sailed.
    State paper reporting sworn depositionsCouncil of Trade and Plantations to the Lords Justices, 19 October 1698, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York, volume 4, pp. 385 to 396, abstracting the depositions taken by Bellomont in May and June 1698. The depositions are Confirmed; both the transaction and the interest of the councillors are ProbableOn: The New York Merchant Networks
  142. The documentation of the Cape Lopez and Ocracoke actions within ADM itself is probable rather than established, and the surviving logs of HMS Swallow's Guinea cruise of 1721 to 1722 are the captains' log at ADM 51/954 and the masters' log at ADM 52/296, neither of them digitised.
    Archive research guideThe National Archives, Royal Navy ships' log books research guide; no piece reference for the HMS Swallow log has been identifiedOn: The Admiralty Records (TNA ADM)
  143. HMS Swallow under Chaloner Ogle pursued Bartholomew Roberts, took the consort Great Ranger and then, on 10 February 1722, fought the action off Cape Lopez in which Roberts was killed and the Royal Fortune was taken, the prisoners being carried to Cape Coast Castle, where a vice-admiralty court tried them in the spring of 1722, condemning a large number to hang, transporting or imprisoning others, and disposing separately of the enslaved men taken out of the pirate ships.
    Period trial print and museum account"Death of Bartholomew Roberts," Royal Museums Greenwich, accessed 2026, for the Cape Lopez engagement, Ogle's command of the Swallow and the death of Roberts on 10 February 1722 (Probable); "A Full and Exact Account, of the Tryal of All the Pyrates, Lately Taken by Captain Ogle" (1723), Internet Archive, for the vice-admiralty trial of the captured men at Cape Coast Castle in 1722 and its outcomes (Probable). The exact figures for prisoners, executions and gold are not taken without collation against the 1723 print, and none are stated hereOn: Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies (1735)
  144. The Boston News-Letter was begun by John Campbell, a Scotchman who was a bookseller and postmaster in Boston, its first number running from Monday 17 April to Monday 24 April 1704 and carrying the masthead line "Published by Authority". Bartholomew Green was Campbell's printer and printed the paper until 3 November 1707, after which John Allen printed it until the Boston fire of October 1711 destroyed his printing house, when it returned to Green's house in Newbury Street. Isaiah Thomas, who reprints the masthead, glosses the authority line cautiously rather than as prior inspection of every issue: at that time there were licensers of the press, and the phrase, he presumes, "means nothing more than this; what appeared in the publication was not disapproved by the licensers".
    Press history quoting the paper itselfIsaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, second edition, volume 2 (Albany, 1874), Newspapers, Massachusetts, Boston, pages 12 to 15, read in a scanned copy on the Internet Archive: "John Campbell, a Scotchman, who was a bookseller and postmaster in Boston, was the first who began and established a publication of this kind. It was entitled... The Boston News-Letter. Published by Authority. From Monday April 17, to Monday April 24, 1704"; "Green was Campbell's printer, and Boone was for some weeks his publisher"; "Bartholomew Green printed the News-Letter for Campbell until November 3, 1707"On: The Boston News-Letter
  145. The first number of the Boston News-Letter was half a sheet of pot paper whose whole contents were an extract from The London Flying Post about the Pretender, the queen's speech to both houses of parliament on that occasion, a few articles under the Boston head, four short paragraphs of marine intelligence from New York, Philadelphia and New London, and one advertisement. It was Campbell's design that the paper should give "a selected, regular succession of foreign events", and he was at "great Charge ... for several Setts of Public Prints, by sundry Vessels from London". Official proclamations as a standing category, and the recurrence of piracy across the golden-age decades, are established by nothing read here.
    Press history quoting the paper itselfIsaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, second edition, volume 2 (Albany, 1874), pages 12 to 17, read in a scanned copy on the Internet Archive, for the contents of number 1 and for Campbell's advertisements of 1719 quoted thereOn: The Boston News-Letter
  146. Edward Teach was killed at Ocracoke Inlet, North Carolina, on 22 November 1718 in the Old Style calendar, and the Boston News-Letter is said to have carried the account about three months later, in an issue dated 23 February to 2 March 1719 under a Rhode Island dateline of 20 February, an issue not yet located in the run.
    Colonial newspaper and modern reportingThe Boston News-Letter, issue of 23 February to 2 March 1719, as described in "Published by Authority: The Boston News-Letter, 1704 to 1776," Readex, accessed 2026; "Blackbeard's Final Battle: Sorting Facts, Fiction," Kevin Duffus, Coastal Review, 2020; "How a Boston Newspaper Covered the Death of Blackbeard," Ryan Teague Beckwith, accessed 2026On: The Boston News-Letter
  147. The Boston News-Letter took its foreign news from the London prints brought in by ship and ran months behind. Campbell told his readers in August 1719 that "this time 12 Months, we were then 13 Months behind with the Foreign News beyond Great Britain, and now less than Five Months", and that a subscriber would be "accommodated with all the News of Europe &c, contained in the Publick Prints of London that are needful for to be known in these parts". Its year was at first reckoned from March: number 664 begins the year 1717 with January, the paper having previously begun the year with March. That it reported at second and third hand specifically from ship captains is established by nothing read here.
    Press history quoting the paper itselfIsaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, second edition, volume 2 (Albany, 1874), pages 15 to 17, read in a scanned copy on the Internet Archive; Thomas notes at page 15 that number 664 begins the year 1717 with January and that the News-Letter had previously begun the year with March, and quotes Campbell's advertisements of 12 January and 10 August 1719On: The Boston News-Letter
  148. The Boston run is catalogued by the Library of Congress under control number sn83020400 as The Boston News-Letter (Boston, Mass.), spanning 1704 to 1726 with about 1,196 issues recorded, and was reproduced on microopaque and microfilm by the Readex Microprint Corporation.
    Library catalogueCatalogue record, The Boston News-Letter (Boston, Mass.) 1704 to 1726, Library of Congress, Washington DC, control number sn83020400On: The Boston News-Letter
  149. The volumes edited by Cecil Headlam, covering roughly 1714 into the late 1720s, are the operative core of the calendar for golden-age piracy, and volume 30, 1717 to 1718, of which the London imprint of 1930 is carried as probable, calendars the correspondence of August 1717 to December 1718.
    Printed calendarCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 30, 1717-1718, ed. Cecil Headlam, volume record and digitised calendar text on British History OnlineOn: The Calendar of State Papers, Colonial
  150. Exquemelin states that he went to the Caribbean, worked at Tortuga as an indentured servant and then spent several years among the buccaneers, Morgan's followers among them.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, "De Americaensche Zee-Roovers" (Amsterdam, 1678), for the author's own account of his passage to the Indies, his indenture at Tortuga and his service among the buccaneers (Probable)On: Exquemelin, The Buccaneers of America
  151. The book covers the western Caribbean, Hispaniola, Tortuga, Jamaica and the Spanish Main, opening with the author's passage to the Indies and his observations on the cow-hunting boucaniers from whom the buccaneers took their name and on the conditions of indenture, continuing with the rovers' customs, the articles that governed a voyage, the division of plunder, the compensation paid for wounds and their weapons and manner of attack, and then giving a series of set-piece narratives of Francois l'Olonnais at Maracaibo, of Rock the Brazilian and other captains, and above all of Morgan's campaigns including Portobelo and the crossing of the isthmus to burn Panama in 1671; the later English and French editions extend the coverage, so the contents depend entirely on which edition is in hand.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, "De Americaensche Zee-Roovers" (Amsterdam, 1678), and "Bucaniers of America" (London, 1684), Folger Shakespeare Library catalogue record 36134, for the set-piece narratives of l'Olonnais, Rock the Brazilian and Morgan, for Portobelo and the burning of Panama in 1671, and for the edition-dependence of the contents (Confirmed); "De Americaensche Zee-Roovers (1678)," Golden Age of Piracy project, for the opening matter on Tortuga, Hispaniola, the boucaniers and indenture, and for the chapters on buccaneer customs, articles, shares and compensation for wounds (Probable)On: Exquemelin, The Buccaneers of America
  152. The Proclamation for Suppressing of Pirates, offering a pardon to pirates who surrendered, appeared in the London Gazette in 1717 as issue 5573 and was reissued in 1718 as issue 5706.
    Official gazette"Atlantic piracy in the 18th century," The Gazette editorial content item 100293, thegazette.co.uk/all-notices/content/100293, for the appearance of the proclamation in issue 5573 of 1717 and its reissue as issue 5706 in 1718 (Confirmed)On: The London Gazette and the Newspaper Press
  153. A General History of the Pyrates is a collection of chapter-length lives of early eighteenth-century pirates published in London in 1724 under the name Captain Charles Johnson, its full title reading A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates, and also Their Policies, Discipline and Government, the first volume printed for the bookseller Charles Rivington; it is the fullest and most influential single narrative source on Atlantic and Indian Ocean piracy of the period, framed as sober history and furnished with speeches, articles, letters and lists that lend it a documentary air.
    Period narrative"A general history of the pyrates, from their first rise and settlement in the Island of Providence, to the present time" (London, 1724 and later editions), early edition scan, Internet Archive item generalhistoryof00john, archive.org/details/generalhistoryof00john, for the title, the pseudonymous title-page attribution and the character of the work (Confirmed); Bonhams sale catalogue entry, Johnson, A General History (Rivington / Woodward, 1724-28), lot 1186, auction 19421, for the Rivington imprint of the first volume (Confirmed)On: A General History of the Pyrates (1724)
  154. The work is arranged as a sequence of pirate biographies, each roughly a chapter, prefaced by general matter on the rise of piracy and, in the first volume, followed by an appended abstract of the statute and civil law relating to piracy; the first volume opens with Captain Avery, meaning Henry Every, and proceeds through Martel, Teach, Bonnet, England, Vane, Rackham, Davis, Roberts, Anstis, Worley, Lowther, Low, Evans, Phillips and Spriggs and contains the joint life of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, while the 1728 volume adds Misson, Bowen, Kidd, Tew, Halsey, White, Condent, Bellamy, Fly, Howard, Lewis and Cornelius; interspersed through both are documents or apparent documents, among them sets of ships' articles, marooning and disciplinary customs, speeches at execution, and lists of crews and of ships taken.
    Period narrative"A general history of the pyrates" (London, 1724 and later editions), early edition scan, Internet Archive item generalhistoryof00john, for the chapter arrangement, the named lives, the appended abstract of the statute and civil law, and the embedded articles, customs, speeches and lists (Confirmed); HathiTrust catalogue records for A general history of the pyrates, record 102498705, catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/102498705, for the 1728 second volume and the lives it adds (Confirmed)On: A General History of the Pyrates (1724)
  155. The work presents the pirate utopia of Libertalia and its founder Captain Misson in the second volume as history.
    Period narrative"A general history of the pyrates" (London, 1724 and later editions), early edition scan, Internet Archive item generalhistoryof00john, for the Libertalia and Misson material as printed in the second volume (Confirmed)On: A General History of the Pyrates (1724)
  156. No signed original of a golden-age pirate articles sheet has been traced for this Archive in a public repository catalogue as such, and the popular claim that a set in John Gow's own hand survives is unsupported by the scholarly treatment of that case, which locates the Gow text in the printed Conduct and Proceedings pamphlet of 1725.
    Peer-reviewed article and repository cataloguesNoel Chevalier, "Creative Accounting: Alternative Facts in the History of the Pirate, John Gow", Humanities 9, no. 2 (2020), article 43, DOI 10.3390/h9020043 (SRC009-009)On: Pirate Articles and Crew Agreements
  157. The ADM 36 musters are not catalogued for the Swallow between 1708 and 1726, the Weymouth between 1709 and 1725, the Pearl between 1709 and 1727 or the Lyme before 1721, so the crew evidence for these commissions must be sought in the pay books, of which ADM 33/308 holds the Swallow's for 1718/19 March 13 to 1723 May 13.
    Catalogue searches and archival item descriptionDiscovery searches for ADM 36 musters of Swallow, Weymouth, Pearl and Lyme; Ship: Swallow pay book, ADM 33/308, item record C6169586On: Naval Logbooks and Captains' Journals
  158. The 1704 broadside records that six men were hanged on Charles River, Boston side, on Friday 30 June 1704 and that Francis King was brought to the place of execution and reprieved, describes the musketeer escort, the walk to Scarlet's Wharff and the silver oar carried before the prisoners as the emblem of Admiralty jurisdiction, prints John Quelch's words on the stage, "I am Condemned only upon Circumstances", and is reported to contradict itself by heading the execution 30 June and then narrating it three lines later as "On Fryday the 20th of June 1704", though the reprint in Dow and Edmonds reads the 30th in both places and the original has not been checked here.
    Gallows broadside"An account of the behaviour and last dying speeches of the six pirates, that were executed on Charles River, Boston side on Fryday June 30th 1704", printed for and sold by Nicholas Boone, Boston, 1704; Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Printed Ephemera Collection, Portfolio 33, Folder 34, digital identifier rbpe.03303400, LCCN 2020776687 (Confirmed as the printed record and as the printed wording of both dates; the identification of 20 June 1704 as a Tuesday and 30 June as a Friday is a calendrical computation on the Julian calendar)On: Execution Sermons, Broadsides and Ballads
  159. The genre is didactic before it is documentary, and two textual facts govern its use: the appendix to the 1723 pamphlet was compiled by an unnamed collector rather than by the preacher, who was at Boston ten days after the executions, and says so in its own heading, "Faithfully Collected, by Another Hand"; and William Fly's much quoted advice that masters of vessels should carry it well to their men survives only as Mather's indirect narration, without quotation marks in the original and in the minister's own syntax, so that it must be set as reported speech and never as a first-person quotation.
    Execution sermons with appended narrativesCotton Mather, "Useful remarks", New London, 1723, Evans-TCP N02066, for the appendix heading "An Account of the PIRATES with divers of their Speeches & Letters... Faithfully Collected, by Another Hand" and for the sermon's date after the executions (Confirmed as printed wording); Cotton Mather, "The vial poured out upon the sea", Boston, 1726, Evans-TCP N02345, for the printed wording of Fly's gallows advice as indirect narration (Confirmed as a textual fact)On: Execution Sermons, Broadsides and Ballads
  160. Title to the Whydah, reported located in 1984, was vested in its discoverer rather than in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the Supreme Judicial Court on 12 December 1988, and the wreck is identified by an inscribed ship's bell reading THE WHYDAH GALLY 1716 whose recovery in the autumn of 1985 rests on a single secondary account.
    Law report and modern archaeologyCommonwealth v. Maritime Underwater Surveys, Inc., Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, 12 December 1988, 403 Mass. 501, 531 N.E.2d 549 (SRC015-011); Underwater Explorer Proves Wreck is Whydah, Mass Moments, Mass Humanities (SRC015-010)On: Modern Archaeological Reports
  161. The Whydah Gally, Samuel Bellamy's flagship, was driven ashore off Wellfleet on Cape Cod on 26 April 1717 and located in 1984 by Barry Clifford, with a bronze ship's bell recovered in 1985, reported as inscribed THE WHYDAH GALLY 1716, carrying the site's identification; some 200,000 pieces have been raised since, including nearly 400 pieces of Akan goldwork and some 200 brass manillas of the kind used as West African trade currency, and the site has yielded human remains, a femur tested in 2018 against a descendant of Bellamy indicating a man of eastern Mediterranean ancestry and so excluding Bellamy, with the remains of six individuals reported from within large concretions in 2021.
    Museum institutional history, popular science journalism and museum-affiliated news reportingWhydah Pirate Museum, "Whydah Gally History and Our Mission" (Confirmed for the loss of 26 April 1717 and the 1984 location); Roff Smith, "We're still finding treasure from this 'golden age' pirate shipwreck", National Geographic, 12 September 2025, for the bell inscription and the artefact, goldwork and manilla counts; Isis Davis-Marks, Smithsonian Magazine, 12 February 2021, for the six individuals and the 2018 femur comparison. The counts and the bell lettering are custodian-originated or secondary and are ProbableOn: Museum Objects and Material Culture; Samuel Bellamy
  162. A pewter urethral syringe recovered from 31CR314 carries a plunger-ring mark read as Paris of 1701 or 1708 and attributed to the pewterer Laurent Chatelain, recorded as practising from 1689 to 1724, with trace mercury detected in the interior residue consistent with treatment of venereal infection; and a 2026 elemental study of Whydah gold by Skowronek, Clifford and DeCorse in npj Heritage Science examined 70 pieces, 27 of them randomly selected for detailed analysis, returning 73.5 to 96.7 weight per cent gold with silver as the principal impurity at 0.04 to 22.6 weight per cent, its authors stating that the observed patterns do not support claims of systematic heavy adulteration of Akan gold and equally that their methods cannot conclusively identify intentional additions of silver or copper.
    Institutional artefact catalogue entry and peer-reviewed archaeometric articleQueen Anne's Revenge Shipwreck Project, "Urethral Syringe", for the mark reading, the Chatelain attribution and the mercury residue (Probable; the reading and attribution are the project's and no accession number is published); Tobias B. Skowronek, Brandon Clifford and Christopher R. DeCorse, "Pirate gold provides new insights into West African trade using pXRF and SEM EDS analysis", npj Heritage Science 14, article 169, 2026, DOI 10.1038/s40494-026-02441-7 (Confirmed as the paper's own wording; the co-author Brandon Clifford is affiliated to the custodian organisation and facilitated access to the material)On: Museum Objects and Material Culture
  163. Cape Coast Castle, the Royal African Company's Gold Coast headquarters documented throughout T 70, was the site of the mass trial in 1722 of the surviving crew of Bartholomew Roberts, taken after Captain Chaloner Ogle of HMS Swallow defeated Roberts's squadron off Cape Lopez in February 1722, the court sitting at the Castle under a piracy commission; the trial record proper survives chiefly in the 1723 print, A Full and Exact Account of the Tryal of all the Pyrates, and in the court's own manuscript file in the High Court of Admiralty papers at HCA 1/99, with the 1724 appendix to the General History of the Pyrates carrying a later reprint, while T 70 supplies the surrounding institutional context.
    Trial pamphlet, court file and digitised source descriptionA Full and Exact Account, of the Tryal of All the Pyrates, Lately Taken by Captain Ogle, on Board the Swallow Man of War, on the Coast of Guinea, printed and sold by J. Roberts, London, 1723, with the court's manuscript proceedings at HCA 1/99; The Social History Archive, Royal African Company 1694 to 1743 primary-source series description; the trial appendix to A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, 1724, as a secondary carrierOn: The Royal African Company Records (TNA T70)
  164. The colonial trials these pamphlets record were enabled by the statute of 1700, 11 and 12 William III, the Act for the more effectual suppression of piracy, which allowed pirates to be tried in the colonies before commissioned courts of admiralty sitting without a jury rather than sent to England, and a copy of which the Rackam pamphlet prints alongside the trial record.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and other Pirates (1721)On: The Printed Pirate Trial Pamphlets
  165. Survival is uneven but all three anchor titles are accessible: the Bonnet pamphlet is digitised by the Library of Congress, the Ogle pamphlet on the Internet Archive, and the 1721 Rackam pamphlet survives in a digitised National Library of Jamaica copy with a further copy at The National Archives catalogued under CO 137/14/1.
    Trial pamphlets and catalogue recordsLibrary of Congress digital item llscd.201000158861859; Internet Archive facsimile of the Ogle pamphlet; National Library of Jamaica copy via the Internet Archive; The National Archives, Discovery record for CO 137/14/1On: The Printed Pirate Trial Pamphlets
  166. The book is a chronological journal of the whole circumnavigation, covering the rounding of Cape Horn into the Pacific, the call at the Juan Fernandez islands where Alexander Selkirk was taken off in early 1709 after more than four years alone, the cruise along the Pacific coast of Spanish America, the taking of Puna and of Guayaquil for ransom, the pursuit of the Manila galleons off the coast of Mexico or California, the crossing to Guam and the East Indies and the homeward leg by the Cape of Good Hope.
    Period narrativeWoodes Rogers, "A Cruising Voyage Round the World" (London, 1712), Seafarers' Library reprint digitised at the Internet Archive, item cruisingvoyagero00roge_0, for the narrative itself and the Selkirk episode (Confirmed); the title-page transcription of the 1712 first edition in HathiTrust record 001270963, which advertises the taking of Puna and Guiaquil, the Acapulco ship and other prizes, Selkirk's four years and four months alone on an island and a brief description of the countries in the ship's course noted for trade, with maps of the coast from the best Spanish manuscript draughts (Confirmed); the catalogue of Bauman Rare Books, item 108586, cited only for the imprint, the printers, the octavo format, the five folding maps and the Selkirk element of the title (Confirmed)On: Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World (1712)
  167. The narrative is good evidence for the mechanics of sea raiding under commission, including letters of marque, the shipboard council and its votes, the disciplining of crews, the sharing of plunder, the handling of prizes and prisoners and the ransoming of towns, but Rogers wrote as an interested party accounting to his investors and defending his conduct, the printed journal smooths the venture's quarrels over command, prisoners and profit, and Edward Cooke's independent account of 1712 diverges from it in detail.
    Period narrativesWoodes Rogers, "A Cruising Voyage Round the World" (London, 1712), Internet Archive item cruisingvoyagero00roge_0, read as a commander's self-presenting account written for his backers (Probable); Edward Cooke, "A Voyage to the South Sea, and Round the World... by the Ships Duke and Dutchess of Bristol" (1712), Internet Archive item voyagetosouthsea02cook, as the independent officer's account against which Rogers is to be checked (Confirmed for its existence and independence, Probable for its divergences)On: Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World (1712)
  168. The 1712 first edition survives in numerous institutional and private copies and carries maps and, in complete copies, folding plates; a second edition of 1718, printed for Andrew Bell and Bernard Lintot, survives and is digitised in the Internet Archive's eighteenth-century collection, though no English Short Title Catalogue number for it has been taken here; and the Seafarers' Library reissue was published in 1928 by Cassell and Company of London, Toronto, Melbourne and Sydney and is freely readable in the Internet Archive scan digitised in 2016 from a University of Pretoria copy, with full-text, EPUB and PDF derivatives, no English Short Title Catalogue citation number or shelfmark having been taken for the 1712 imprint.
    Digitised copies, library catalogue and antiquarian trade descriptionWoodes Rogers, "A Cruising Voyage Round the World," Seafarers' Library reprint (London and New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1928), digitised at the Internet Archive, item cruisingvoyagero00roge_0, scanned from University of Pretoria Library Services, OCLC 1042982708, for the reprint and the free digital text (Confirmed); the Internet Archive eighteenth-century collection, item bim_eighteenth-century_a-cruising-voyage-round-_rogers-woodes_1718, "A cruising voyage round the world... With maps. By Captain Woodes Rogers. 1718", a complete copy of the second edition from the eighteenth-century microfilm set derived from the English Short Title Catalogue (Confirmed); the catalogue of Bauman Rare Books, item 108586, for the description of the 1712 first edition, its octavo format and its five folding maps (Probable); the lot descriptions of Forum Auctions, sale 1002, lot 352, and Dominic Winter Auctioneers, lot 80 (lot ref 347081), each describing a second edition printed for Andrew Bell and Bernard Lintot, 1718, carried as trade description only and with no sale date taken here (Probable); the English Short Title Catalogue, British Library, from which no citation number has been taken for this recordOn: Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World (1712)
  169. Many sets of pirate articles fixed compensation out of the common stock for the loss of a limb or a joint. Bartholomew Roberts's ninth article promised that if any man should lose a limb or become a cripple in their service he was to have 800 dollars out of the public stock, and for lesser hurts proportionably; George Lowther's sixth article gave one hundred and fifty pounds sterling to a man who lost a limb in time of engagement, and leave to remain with the company as long as he thought fit; and John Phillips's eighth article gave 400 pieces of eight for a joint lost in an engagement and 800 for a limb.
    Pirate articles as printed in a period historyA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), attributed to Charles Johnson, articles of Bartholomew Roberts, IX: "If in order to this, any Man should lose a Limb, or become a Cripple in their Service, he was to have 800 Dollars, out of the publick Stock, and for lesser Hurts, proportionably"; The Articles of Captain George Lowther, and his Company, 6: "He that shall have the Misfortune to lose a Limb, in Time of Engagement, shall have the Sum of one hundred and fifty Pounds Sterling, and remain with the Company as long as he shall think fit"; and the articles of John Phillips's company, 8: "If any Man shall lose a Joint in time of an Engagement, shall have 400 Pieces of Eight; if a Limb, 800"On: Death: Battle, Disease and the Gallows
  170. There was no single standard pirate flag: the period narrative describes a different device for each company, on black grounds and sometimes red, drawn from a shared vocabulary of mortality. Bartholomew Roberts's ships came to Whydah with "a black Silk Flag flying at their Mizen-Peek" which "had a Death in it, with an Hour-Glass in one Hand, and cross Bones in the other, a Dart by it, and underneath a Heart dropping three Drops of Blood"; Worley "made a black Ensign, with a white Death's Head in the Middle of it"; Low hoisted "a black Flag, with the Figure of Death in red"; and Spriggs's company made a black ensign "which they called Jolly Roger", carrying "a white Skeliton in the Middle of it, with a Dart in one Hand striking a bleeding Heart, and in the other, an Hour-Glass". Red grounds appear as the "bloody Flag" of Bonnet's men and in a taken master's account of "black and bloody Flags". What the hourglass was taken to signify is not stated in the source.
    Period narrative, with a naval surgeon's journalA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, in the project's text of the work: of Roberts's ships at Whydah, "They came to Whydah with a St. George's Ensign, a black Silk Flag flying at their Mizen-Peek, and a Jack and Pendant of the same: The Flag had a Death in it, with an Hour-Glass in one Hand, and cross Bones in the other, a Dart by it, and underneath a Heart dropping three Drops of Blood"; of Worley, "He made a black Ensign, with a white Death's Head in the Middle of it, and other Colours suitable to it"; of Low, he "hoists a black Flag, with the Figure of Death in red, at the Main-topmast Head"; of Spriggs, "a black Ensign was made, which they called Jolly Roger, with the same Device that Captain Low carried, viz. a white Skeliton in the Middle of it, with a Dart in one Hand striking a bleeding Heart, and in the other, an Hour-Glass"; the name is glossed elsewhere as "Jolly Roger, (the Name they give their black Flag,)"; of Bonnet's men in Cape Fear river, "The Pyrates made a Wiff in their bloody Flag"; and a taken master, "with their black and bloody Flags hanging over us". For the black flag independently, John Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil and the West Indies (1735), of the taking of Roberts's ships at Cape Lopez: "they cut their Cable, set their Sails, up went the black Flag, and down their Courage".On: Flags and the Jolly Roger
  171. Disciplinary authority in a pirate company was divided, the captain commanding absolutely only in action, the elected quartermaster acting as the ordinary magistrate of the ship between fights by keeping order, settling small quarrels over food, drink and property and inflicting the lesser corrections, and grave offences being referred to the whole company, Bartholomew Roberts's code reserving the penalty for serious offences to a judgement made as the Captain and the Majority of the Company shall think fit.
    Period narrative and transcribed articlesA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, 1724; The Articles of Bartholomew Roberts, as printed by JohnsonOn: Pirate Justice and Discipline
  172. Almost all surviving pirate articles reach us because Charles Johnson printed them in the 1724 General History, the codes of Roberts, Phillips, Lowther, Low and Gow coming through that book or through Admiralty court papers and only a handful surviving in any form, the scarcity being explained by the routine destruction of articles by crews facing capture, and Johnson himself stating that for Roberts's code he could give only the substance, the full copy having been lost, so that the numbered list as printed is a reconstruction rather than a transcript.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, attributed to Captain Charles Johnson, 1724On: Pirate Justice and Discipline
  173. Marooning was a judicial abandonment passed by the company rather than by the captain alone, the condemned man being set down on an island, coast or sandbank chosen for its barrenness, and it was written into at least two surviving sets of pirate articles as the penalty for offences against the company such as running away, keeping a secret from the company and stealing from shipmates.
    Pirate articles as printed, with secondary referenceArticles of Captain John Phillips of the Revenge, 1724; Golden Age of Piracy, Pirates Culture: MarooningOn: Marooning
  174. The supply of recruits was made by the maritime labour market, the close of the War of the Spanish Succession in 1713 and 1714 turning large numbers of privateersmen and naval seamen out of paid employment into an already glutted merchant service marked by falling wages, cramped provisioning, brutal punishment and the standing threat of naval impressment.
    Modern social historyMarcus Rediker, "Under the Banner of King Death", 1981; Marcus Rediker, Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Golden Age, 2004On: Recruitment: Volunteers and Forced Men
  175. Because being forced was a defence to a capital charge, a recognised practice grew up of released or escaped captives placing public notices declaring that they had been taken against their will, so as to guard themselves against later prosecution.
    Public history synthesis of trial records"The Peril of Pirate Captives in Colonial America", We're HistoryOn: Recruitment: Volunteers and Forced Men
  176. The Charles Town trials of the autumn of 1718, held before Judge Nicholas Trott, tried 58 people and acquitted 9 across Stede Bonnet's company and the separate company associated with Richard Worley, the printed Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet naming twenty-nine of Bonnet's men condemned and four acquitted beside Bonnet himself, who was hanged on 10 December 1718; the printed proceedings, London 1719, preserve the men's own accounts of how they came aboard, though the surviving summaries do not show which acquittals turned on a plea of force.
    Trial pamphlet and institutional public historyThe Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet and Other Pirates, Court of Vice-Admiralty, Charleston, printed for Benjamin Cowse, London 1719; Nicholas Butler, "The Charleston Pirate Trials of 1718", Charleston Time Machine, Charleston County Public LibraryOn: Recruitment: Volunteers and Forced Men
  177. The finely graduated wound tariff of six hundred pieces of eight for a right arm, five hundred for a left arm, five hundred for a right leg, four hundred for a left leg, one hundred for an eye and the same for a finger is Exquemelin's record of the buccaneers, first published in Dutch in 1678, the 1684 English version adding the alternative of six enslaved people for a right arm, and not the golden-age pattern, whose surviving articles pay a single flat sum for the loss of a limb.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers / The Buccaneers of America, 1678, read against the article-sets in the 1724 General HistoryOn: Plunder, Shares and Compensation
  178. Burying plunder for later recovery was essentially not a golden-age practice, the one substantial documented instance being William Kidd's deposit of goods and coin on Gardiners Island off Long Island in 1699, a short-term concealment before his arrest that the colonial authorities promptly recovered and inventoried, while the treasure chest and the marked chart derive from later fiction, above all Stevenson's Treasure Island of 1883.
    Secondary scholarship and colonial recordsDavid Cordingly, Under the Black Flag, 1995, with the records and inventory of the Gardiners Island deposit, 1699 to 1701, in Colonial Office papers and the printed Kidd trial accountsOn: Plunder, Shares and Compensation
  179. The suppression of Atlantic piracy between about 1717 and 1726 rested on the legal architecture of the piracy statutes of 1698 and 1721 and the commissioned vice-admiralty courts that could try a pirate in the colony where he was taken.
    Statute texts"An Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy," Statutes of the Realm vol. 7, pp. 590 to 594, British History Online; "1721: 8 George 1 c.24: The Piracy Act," The Statutes ProjectOn: Naval Suppression and Its Tactics
  180. The record supports a gradient of four positions rather than a boundary between salvage and piracy, since the men moved along it without changing what they physically did: recovery under title, as in the Spanish vessels working the Florida wrecks "with diving Engines, to fish up the Silver"; wrecking without title, as in the Jamaican sloops; armed seizure of goods another party had already reduced to possession, which is robbery whatever the finder's original title; and piracy proper, with the two sums attached to the December 1715 raid carried apart, the calendared 120,000 pieces of eight being what the captors owned themselves, a figure the Spanish envoy reporting it took as a floor "from whence it is inferr'd, that there was a great deal more", and the 350,000 of modern writing being Johnson's figure for the silver lying at the camp before the raid.
    Period narrative and calendared state paperA General History of the Pyrates, second edition, London, T. Warner, 1724; Calendar of State Papers Colonial, vol. 29, item 158 with enclosuresOn: Hurricanes and Wrecking
  181. The pink Mary Anne, of the same company, took the ground opposite Slutts-bush south of Cape Cod in thick weather the same night and her whole company walked off her at daybreak, the shore side of the vessel being dry, so that two strandings in one weather hours apart differed in outcome according to what lay under the keel rather than the force of the storm; and Davis's figure of one hundred and forty-four is the largest single-day loss of life aboard a pirate ship in this archive, larger even with the prisoners set aside than the fifty-two hanged after the Cape Coast trial of 1722, a total that is itself disputed.
    Printed trial record containing sworn depositionsThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy, Boston, printed 1718, Evans N01688, depositions of Thomas Davis and Thomas Fitz GyraldOn: Hurricanes and Wrecking
  182. Governor Samuel Shute issued a proclamation charging all the province's officers and subjects to seize and apprehend not only escaped pirates but the "money, bullion, treasure, goods and merchandizes" from the wrecked Whydah, and dispatched Captain Cyprian Southack to the scene. Southack hired a sloop and sailed from Boston on 1 May 1717, reached Cape Cod harbour the next afternoon and crossed the Cape by whale boat at four in the morning of 3 May; he posted notice on three meeting-house doors that he was authorised to "go into any house, shop, cellar, warehouse, room or other place and in case of resistance to break open any door, chests, trunks and other packages" and seize plunder belonging to the wreck; he found the people "very Stife and will not [give up] one thing of what they Gott on the Rack"; he found the fragments of the ship "scattered along the shore for a distance of nearly four miles"; and he recovered little. The coroner and his jury demanded 83 pounds for burying sixty-two bodies, not one hundred and two; the figure of one hundred and two is supported by nothing read here.
    Documentary compilation quoting the Massachusetts ArchivesGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (Salem, Marine Research Society, 1923), chapter on Samuel Bellamy, pages 127 to 129, quoting Governor Shute's proclamation and Southack's letters in the Massachusetts Archives, read in a scanned copy on the Internet Archive; the coroner and his jury are there said to have ordered the victims of the wreck to be buried and to have demanded 83 pounds as their due for the cost of burying "the sixty-two bodies"On: Hurricanes and Wrecking
  183. The piracy Act of 1700, "An Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy", 11 and 12 Will. III c. 7, which commenced on 16 November 1699 and was assented to on 11 April 1700, made the seizure of a ship a completed piracy in itself, adjudging a pirate, felon and robber any commander, master, seaman or mariner who betrayed his trust and piratically ran away with his ship or yielded her up voluntarily to a pirate, and equally any man who laid violent hands on his commander so as to hinder him from fighting in the ship's defence, confined his master, or made or endeavoured to make a revolt in the ship.
    Statute textWilliam III, 1698-9: An Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy, Statutes of the Realm vol. 7, pp. 590 to 594On: Mutiny and Desertion
  184. Boring and fouling were distinct in practice, and only one of them could be dealt with by careening. Woodes Rogers's journal shows both in a single entry on the coast of Mexico in 1709: "This Morning we began heeling our Ship, and found that abundance of Worms had enter'd the Sheathing; we scrub'd, clean'd, and tallow'd as low as we could". His council resolved on 20 December 1709 to leave the South Sea "because the Worm had already entred our Sheathing", and the prize Marquiss was later condemned as unfit for Europe because the carpenters found "she had but a single Bottom, eat to a Honey-comb by the Worms", which had "eaten thro' her Bends, and good Part of her Bottom like a perfect Honey-Comb". Scrubbing and tallowing dealt with what grew on the outside; nothing in the account undoes the boring. The identification of the borer as a marine bivalve mollusc of the family Teredinidae, and its entry as a larva, are modern science and are established by no period document read here.
    Period voyage journalWoodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World (London, 1712), read in the Seafarers' Library reprint edited by G. E. Manwaring, digitised on the Internet Archive, for the heeling and tallowing entry, for the council's resolution of 20 December 1709 signed Woodes Rogers, and for the survey and sale of the MarquissOn: Shipworm and Environmental Damage
  185. HMS Roebuck was lost at Ascension in February 1701 after a leak within four strakes of the keel that could not be reached, her captain William Dampier recording his boatswain's report "that the plank was so rotten it broke away like dirt", and his narrative nowhere attributes the failure to shipworm, that diagnosis belonging to later writers.
    Period narrativeWilliam Dampier, A Continuation of a Voyage to New Holland, Project Gutenberg ebook 15685On: Shipworm and Environmental Damage; William Dampier
  186. The one surviving contemporary statement of who was allowed to vote in a pirate company restricts the franchise to a minority of the people aboard: Thomas Davis, examined before the Governor at Boston on 6 May 1717 and printed in the appendix to the trial of Samuel Bellamy's men, stated that when the company was called together and each man was to give his vote "they would not allow the forced Men to have a Vote. There were One hundred and thirty forced Men in all, and Eighty of the Old company", against the first of the articles attributed by the 1724 General History to Bartholomew Roberts's company, which reads "Every Man has a Vote in Affairs of Moment".
    Printed trial record with pre-trial examinationsThe Trials of eight persons indited for piracy, Boston, 1718, appendix of examinations taken before the Governor, 6 May 1717, Text Creation Partnership transcription N01688; A General History of the Pyrates, 1724On: Captain Election and Removal
  187. The removals documented for this period share three features, a vote carrying the removal, the minority that supported the deposed man leaving with him, and that party being given a vessel and stores rather than killed, as with Benjamin Hornigold and his twenty-six hands in a prize sloop; the outcome could be harsher, Edward England being on the 1724 book's account "soon abdicated or pulled out of his Government, and marooned with three more on the Island of Mauritius" and a deposition transcribed by E. T. Fox and quoted at second hand saying that he "was turned out of Comand", while Snelgrave reports William Moody's own people forcing him with twelve others into an open boat in which they were never heard of again.
    Period narrative and transcribed depositionA General History of the Pyrates, 1724; William Snelgrave, A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea, 1734; deposition transcribed in E. T. Fox, Pirates in Their Own Words, 2014, quoted at second handOn: Captain Election and Removal; Benjamin Hornigold
  188. A revocable command was not in practice a short one: Bartholomew Roberts, elected after Howell Davis was killed at Principe in mid-1719, a death that later writers date to 19 June 1719 although Johnson has Roberts chosen about six weeks after being taken in June, so that the day is not settled here, held his command until HMS Swallow found him off Cape Lopez on 10 February 1721 old style, that is 1722 new style, about two years and eight months, surviving at least two splits in his squadron, and George Lowther held from 13 June 1721 until his company was surprised while careening at Blanco in early October 1723; the elapsed figures are calculated from those dates rather than stated by any source.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, 1724, the Roberts and Lowther chaptersOn: Captain Election and Removal
  189. Woodes Rogers's proclamation issued at Nassau on 5 September 1720 named both women openly as women, as "Ann Fulford alias Bonny" and "Mary Read", among John Rackam's company, and was reprinted in a Boston newspaper in October 1720.
    Period proclamation, known through a modern transcriptionProclamation of Woodes Rogers, Nassau, 5 September 1720, as printed in the Boston Gazette of October 1720 and transcribed on The Golden Age of PiracyOn: Gender Disguise and Identity at Sea
  190. The name is unstable across the period documents: the 1721 trial pamphlet prints "Anne Bonny" on its title page and "Ann Bonny, alias Bonn" throughout its body, while the proclamation of September 1720 gives "Ann Fulford alias Bonny".
    Trial pamphlet and period proclamationThe Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and other Pirates, 1721; proclamation of Woodes Rogers, Nassau, 5 September 1720On: Gender Disguise and Identity at Sea
  191. Impressment in this period rested on a prerogative right described as inherent in the Crown, grounded on common law and recognised rather than created by acts of Parliament, and was never reduced to a single authorising statute within the archive's window; Parliament legislated about exemption, and about what might be offered in place of the press, far more than it legislated the press itself.
    Legal scholarship and legislature public historyJohn Finlay, 'Inter arma enim silent leges? Impressment and the Scottish Courts in the later eighteenth century', Edinburgh Law Review 26.1 (2022), quoting Sir Michael Foster's formula, with the United Kingdom Parliament Living Heritage page 'Press gangs'; Finlay's declared scope is the later eighteenth century and its statutory material is background to that argumentOn: Naval Impressment
  192. The act 7 and 8 William III chapter 21, An Act for the Increase and Encouragement of Seamen, attempted to man the navy by bargain rather than by seizure, setting up a voluntary register of seamen which offered "the yearely Summe or Bounty of Forty Shillings" over and above a man's pay and imposed forfeiture of that benefit for ever, together with six months' unpaid naval service, on a registered man who failed to repair on board within thirty days of summons; that a state legislated a register and a bounty in order to get seamen is read here as an admission that the press was not working, which is this archive's reading of the act and not a statement in it.
    Statute in digitised editionStatutes of the Realm volume 7, pages 98 to 102, at British History Online; the wording is that returned by the digitised text and has not been checked against the statute roll, and no commencement date for the act is givenOn: Naval Impressment
  193. A protection was a document rather than a right: the same act of 1696 granted licences to landmen taking up sea service which were "to them a Protection against being impressed for the space of Twoe yeares", the earliest protection clause found for this record and one that shielded the newcomer rather than the established mariner, while below the level of statute the exemption of boatswains, carpenters and first mates of merchant ships of fifty tons and upwards rested on Admiralty instructions granted only at the pleasure of the Lords; protection could also fail outright, a list of the men aboard Woodes Rogers's privateers the Duke and the Dutchess taken on 31 August 1711 to obtain protection not preventing their impressment at Wapping, after which the crews' agent paid counsel's fees, fees of protection and other charges to clear most of them.
    Statute in digitised edition, legal scholarship and the privateering recordStatutes of the Realm volume 7, pages 98 to 102, at British History Online for the landmen's protection; John Finlay, Edinburgh Law Review 26.1 (2022) for the Admiralty instructions and the fifty ton rule; the privateering record on this site for the 1711 list and the Wapping impressmentOn: Naval Impressment
  194. In Golden Age pirate usage the word maroon meant abandonment, or a pirate, rather than a self-freed community: the General History of 1724 prints John Phillips's articles with the book's own gloss "another Marrooner [that is, Pyrate,]" and records that the men tried with Stede Bonnet at Charles Town in 1718 pleaded "that they were taken off a Maroon Shore", and no verified period usage in that book refers to a maroon community.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, second edition, London, printed for T. Warner, 1724On: Maroon Communities and Fugitive Networks
  195. This narrative records that Kidd gave the boatmen four pieces of gold for bringing the cider and wood, with no description of the gold as Arabian; it separately records that Kidd left a chest, a box of gold, a bundle of quilts and four bales of goods with Gardiner to keep for him or his order, and that the one item explicitly covered by a receipt was a different delivery, two boxes of silver weighing about thirty pounds handed over by the crewmen Cook and Parrot; the narrative contains no mention of goods being transferred at anchor into two New York sloops that lay by three days together.
    Sworn narrativeNarrative of John Gardiner, July 1699 (Public Record Office C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXI), in Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period (1923), no. 79On: Pirate Ports and Informal Economies
  196. At the Cape Coast Castle trial of March and April 1722 the men described as Black were disposed of outside the judicial process, the printed column of ten disposals carrying nine legal or mortal outcomes and a tenth entry reading "Negroes in both Ships, 70", while David Wilson states that seventy-five captured men described only as black men were sold into slavery without trial; twenty white prisoners escaped hanging by binding themselves to the Royal African Company for seven years, signing indentures on 26 April 1722.
    Period narrative and modern scholarshipA General History of the Pyrates, 1724, for the disposal column and the indentures; David Wilson, Suppressing Piracy in the Early Eighteenth Century, Boydell and Brewer, 2021, chapter 5, for the seventy-five soldOn: Race, Empire and Maritime Labour
  197. Piracy was tried in this period under two distinct machineries, the common law jury trial before commissioners of oyer and terminer under the Offences at Sea Act of 1536, 28 Hen. 8 c. 15, which tried the offence on a grand jury indictment and the verdict of twelve as though it had been done on land, and the juryless colonial commission court created by the Act for the more effectual suppression of piracy of 1700.
    Statute text and period printed narrativeAn Act for the more effectuall Suppressions of Piracy, 11 Will. 3 c. 7, Statutes of the Realm VII, pp. 590 to 594; A General History of the Pyrates, second edition, London 1724, appendix abstract of 28 Hen. 8 c. 15On: Trials, Evidence and Defence Rights
  198. Torture of prisoners to make them reveal hidden money is attested for three separate companies by documents independent of the General History: Edward North's deposition, calendared under 22 May 1718, on Charles Vane's men binding a captive to the bowsprit with burning matches at his eyes and a loaded pistol in his mouth, John Wickstead's deposition on George Lowther's men placing lighted matches between prisoners' fingers, and a Philadelphia newspaper of June 1723 on Edward Low's men burning prisoners' fingers to the bone; the practice is established, its frequency is not.
    Sworn depositions and colonial newspaper, quoted in peer-reviewed scholarshipDepositions of Edward North and John Wickstead, Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, and the American Weekly Mercury of June 1723, all quoted in Peter T. Leeson, 'Pirational Choice' (2010)On: Violence and Coercion; Charles Vane
  199. Colonial admiralty commissions tested the forced-man plea rather than dismissing it: the Cape Coast Castle court of 1722 accepted that many prisoners taken out of the Ranger had been forced and heard each man singly, while holding that a man who neglected a fair chance of liberty "shews strong Inclinations to Dishonesty"; two of Bellamy's company were acquitted at Boston in 1717 and twelve of sixteen at Boston in 1726.
    Printed trial records and period narrativeThe Cape Coast Castle proceedings printed in A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724); The Tryals of Sixteen Persons for Piracy (Boston, 1726); institutional account of the Boston Whydah trial of October 1717On: Violence and Coercion
  200. Of the three sets of pirate articles printed in the General History of 1724, one excludes women, Bartholomew Roberts's article VI reading "No Boy or Woman to be allowed amongst them" with death for the man who carried a woman to sea disguised; one makes forcing a woman a capital offence, John Phillips's ninth article punishing with death any man who meddles with "a prudent Woman" without her consent; and George Lowther's eight articles say nothing about women at all.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, second edition, London, printed for and sold by T. Warner, 1724; the Roberts wording verified against a second, independent digitisation of the 1724 printing (Boston Public Library copy)On: Women at Sea
  201. The Adventure Galley was lost at St Mary's in 1698 after the Mocha frigate left and Kidd was reduced to about thirteen men; Kidd's Narrative and Edward Buckmaster's examination say she sank in the harbour, the manner of her loss is told differently by other crew examinations, and Kidd continued in the Adventure Prize.
    State paper and examinationKidd's Narrative of the Voyage, 7 July 1699, TNA CO 5/860 no. 64, printed in Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period (1923), document 76; Examination of Edward Buckmaster before Lieutenant-Governor John Nanfan, 6 June 1699, TNA CO 5/1042 no. 40 XI, printed in Jameson as document 73; C. N. Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd (1911)On: Adventure Galley
  202. Johnson's General History reports that John Evans and his comrades rowed out of Port Royal in a canoe at the latter end of September 1722 and went ashore by night on the north side of Jamaica to break open a house or two.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, vol. 1 (1724), chapter XIV, Of Capt. John Evans, and his Crew.On: Port Royal
  203. Johnson's General History reports that in the storm of 1722 several hundred tons of stones and rocks were thrown over the wall of the town of Port Royal, that the town was overflowed and above half destroyed, and that there was five feet of water from one end of it to the other the next morning.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, vol. 1 (1724), chapter Of Captain Edward Low, the account of the storm at Jamaica.On: Port Royal
  204. Johnson reports that in the same storm the cannon of Fort Charles were dismounted and some washed into the sea, and that four hundred people lost their lives.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, vol. 1 (1724), chapter Of Captain Edward Low, the account of the storm at Jamaica.On: Port Royal
  205. Lefroy records a letter dated 7 February 1634 written by the Company for Providence Island to their Governor, Captain Phillip Bell, formerly Governor of the Somers Islands, mentioning the minister John Ward, who went out to that colony in 1638.
    Modern edition of colonial recordsJ. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515 to 1685, volume 1 (London, 1877), Appendix IV, the biographical note on the Rev. John Ward, citing Colonial Papers pages 127 and 271 (library file lefroy_v1.txt)On: Providence Island (Providencia)
  206. Dampier's narrative states that the Dutch, being settled on this promontory, always touched at the Cape on their East India voyages, both going and coming.
    Period narrativeWilliam Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (1697), the chapter describing the arrival at the Cape of Good Hope and the description of the Cape, printed pp. 528-534 (library file dampier_new_voyage_1697.txt, lines 53108-53111)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  207. Dampier's Dutch landlord told him that the people of the country had kept sheep and bullocks before the Dutch settled among them, and that the inland Hottentots still had great stocks of cattle which they sold to the Dutch for rolls of tobacco.
    Period narrativeWilliam Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (1697), the chapter describing the arrival at the Cape of Good Hope and the description of the Cape, printed pp. 528-534 (library file dampier_new_voyage_1697.txt, lines 53820-53824)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  208. Men at the Cape told Dampier that they could not buy their beef by trucking tobacco with the Hottentots, dealing with them being a privilege the Dutch East India Company reserved to itself.
    Period narrativeWilliam Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (1697), the chapter describing the arrival at the Cape of Good Hope and the description of the Cape, printed pp. 528-534 (library file dampier_new_voyage_1697.txt, lines 53833-53838)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  209. Dow and Edmonds quote a letter of John Graves, printed in the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, p. 744, giving the pirates' route out as the Isle of May for salt, Fernando for water, then round the Cape of Good Hope to Madagascar to victual and water, and so for Batsky.
    Modern scholarship quoting a calendared letterGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed pp. 95-96, quoting John Graves's letter as printed in the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, p. 744 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 4362-4367)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  210. The General History states that Thomas Tew, instead of proceeding on his voyage to the Gambia, made for the Cape of Good Hope, doubled it and shaped his course for the Straits of Babel Mandel.
    Period compilationA General History of the Pyrates, Vol. I (1724), CHAP. I, Of Captain Avery and his Crew, the digression on Captain Thomas Tew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1844-1847)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  211. Dalton's book prints Kidd's narrative in full with Four English Men of War and quotes it in the text of his own chapter as five.
    Modern scholarshipSir Cornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London, 1911), the chapter narrating the outward voyage (library file gutenberg-54444.txt, lines 592-595)On: The Cape of Good Hope
  212. Johnson's General History states that Tew doubled the Cape of Good Hope and shaped his course for the Straits of Babel Mandel, being the entrance into the Red Sea.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), Volume I, the digression on Captain Thomas Tew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1846-1850)On: The Red Sea
  213. Wright's history of the Surat factory states that the English undertook to send a ship or two to act as convoy of the Mocha and Jeddah fleets, provided the Governor would undertake that they should have such freights as would defray the charges of the voyage.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter on the imprisonment of the Surat factory, printed p. 172, reporting Sir John Gayer's undertaking (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5379-5383)On: The Red Sea
  214. Wright's history of the Surat factory states that the decree from the imperial court directed that all three European nations having factories in Surat should send ships to search for and bring in the pirates or pay the damages sustained by the loss of the Gunjsawaee.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter on Aurungzebe and the pirates, printed p. 179 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5575-5580)On: The Red Sea
  215. Wright's history of the Surat factory states that the English Company's bond for the convoy was sent in to the Governor by Annesley on 6 January 1696.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter on Aurungzebe and the pirates, printed p. 179 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5593-5595)On: The Red Sea
  216. Wright's history of the Surat factory reports news from Mocha that two ships belonging to the Company's brokers in Bombay had been taken off the Babs by two small pirates, one of fourteen and the other of thirteen guns with about 150 men in each and almost all English, leaving the little merchants of the island almost broake.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter on Kidd the pirate, printed p. 191 to 192, quoting the official narrative (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5946-5951)On: The Red Sea
  217. Johnson's General History states that Tew came up with a large richly laden ship bound from the Indies to Arabia with three hundred soldiers on board besides seamen, and that he boarded and carried her.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), Volume I, the digression on Captain Thomas Tew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1846-1850)On: The Red Sea
  218. The value of Tew's Red Sea prize is contested, Johnson saying that his men shared near three thousand pounds a piece and Adam Baldridge's deposition reporting the share as 1,200 pounds a man.
    Period narrative and depositionA General History of the Pyrates (1724), Volume I, the digression on Captain Thomas Tew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1850-1852), with the deposition of Adam Baldridge printed as document 68 in J. F. Jameson, ed., Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period.On: The Red Sea
  219. Atkins reports that by authentic accounts the trade had gained England 900,000 pounds a year, of which teeth, camwood, wax and gold were only 100,000 and the rest slaves.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  220. Atkins reports that the Company imported 46,396 enslaved people between 1680 and 1688, which those who wished it ill success said was too few for the plantations, so that interlopers crept in and contended for a share, which the Company represented as contrary to the privileges of its patent.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  221. Atkins gives the Company's answer to the interlopers, that it did supply enough for demand and maintained forts and garrisons at a great charge for awing and subjecting the natives to trade.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  222. Atkins dates the Act that gave private traders their liberty on allowing the Company ten per cent to 1697, where the statute in the printed roll stands under the ninth year of William III.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company, against Statutes of the Realm, vol. 7, pp. 393-397.On: The Royal African Company
  223. Atkins reports that in the eight years after the Act the Company imported 17,760 enslaved people to the West Indies while the separate traders imported 71,268.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  224. Atkins reports that the Company's ten per cent amounted to 87,465 pounds in the first ten years, and that, at a great disadvantage with the new inmates, it resolved to make the best it could of that money by lessening its expense about the forts.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  225. Atkins reports that by his own day the Company supported its forts on an annual allowance from the government of 10,000 pounds.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  226. Atkins reports that the Company withdrew all supplies from its garrisons, leaving them to subsist by their own management or starve, and that Gambia fort, with twelve men in it, was taken by a privateer of eight guns in 1709, Sierra Leone having thirteen men and Sherbro four.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company.On: The Royal African Company
  227. Johnson says that at the beginning of January Roberts's company took the King Solomon at Cape Appollonia, with twenty men in their boat, and a trading vessel with her, both belonging to the Company.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), the chapter of Captain Bartholomew Roberts.On: The Royal African Company
  228. Annesley wrote to Sir John Gayer that their guard was no more than necessary to defend them from the rabble, the whole Mobile being raised against them and demanding satisfaction of them even to their lives.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter Annesley in Chains, printed p. 164 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5143-5148)On: Surat
  229. Annesley wrote that on the sixteenth, which was Council day, the rabble banded together to complain, bringing those that were wounded and maimed and women that had been abused on the Gunsway and Abdull Guffore's ships, open mouthed to lay it upon the English.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter Annesley in Chains, printed p. 164 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5154-5160)On: Surat
  230. Annesley protested to the Governor that there were a great many thieves on the sea, that the English never engaged to clear it of them, and that if the Company's servants had done piracy they would for one rupee pay two.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter Annesley in Chains, printed p. 166 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5208-5212)On: Surat
  231. The Governor answered that the ship was affirmed to be plundered near Bombay, that several were ready to swear that those who did it had been in actual service on the island, and that the Nocquedah said so publicly.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter Annesley in Chains, printed p. 166 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5218-5223)On: Surat
  232. The Mogul admiral wrote to the Emperor that the English were great merchants who drove a vast trade in his country.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter The Emperor Aurungzebe and the Pirates, printed p. 176 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5482-5484)On: Surat
  233. The Mogul admiral wrote that there were a great many hat men thieves in these seas but that such business was not from the English cast, nor ever would be.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter The Emperor Aurungzebe and the Pirates, printed p. 176 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5488-5491)On: Surat
  234. News that the Court had ordered the reopening of the port reached the factory on 27 June, and the same day the Governor had the irons removed from the prisoners and the guard withdrawn.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (1918), p. 187On: Surat
  235. The second crisis broke on New Year's Day 1699, new style, when Annesley received a message from the Governor that he had received instructions from the Emperor.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter The Old Company Deposed, printed p. 232 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 7185-7191)On: Surat
  236. The factory's own resolution recorded that they were not able to withstand the Governor, being but 13 Europeans in a wide open house upon which a descent could be made in three several places more than twenty men abreast.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), the chapter The Old Company Deposed, printed p. 236 (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 7293-7297)On: Surat
  237. The chapter of Exquemelin's narrative describing Tortuga is headed with the statement that the French settled there at two several times and cast out the Spaniards, the first masters of the island.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, in four parts (1695 English printing), Part I, chapter II, the chapter heading (library file exquemelin_history_1695.txt, lines 785-790)On: Tortuga
  238. Exquemelin's narrative says that the planters and hunters of Tortuga, on hearing of a rich prize taken at sea, resolved to follow that example, many of them leaving their ordinary employments and using what means they could to get boats or small vessels in which to exercise piracy.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, in four parts (1695 English printing), Part I, the origin of the pirates of Tortuga (library file exquemelin_history_1695.txt, lines 3258-3262)On: Tortuga
  239. Exquemelin's narrative says that what the first Tortuga rovers took was carried to the isle of Tortuga and the whole purchase sold there to the ships that waited in the port for their return or that happened to be lying in it.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, in four parts (1695 English printing), Part I, the origin of the pirates of Tortuga (library file exquemelin_history_1695.txt, lines 3275-3277)On: Tortuga
  240. Exquemelin's narrative has the captain he calls Lolonois escape from the Spaniards and come safe to Tortuga, which the text calls the common place of Refuge.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, in four parts (1695 English printing), Part II, the chapters on Lolonois (library file exquemelin_history_1695.txt, lines 4246-4248)On: Tortuga
  241. The heading of the ninth chapter of Exquemelin's third part names Monsieur Bertram Ogeron as Governor of the isle of Tortuga and describes his shipwreck and his falling, with his companions, into the hands of the Spaniards.
    Period narrativeAlexandre Olivier Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, in four parts (1695 English printing), Part III, chapter IX, the chapter heading (library file exquemelin_history_1695.txt, lines 13973-13976)On: Tortuga
  242. Ligon gives Carlisle Bay as the harbour where most of the ablest seamen put in and, following the most voices among them, places it at thirteen degrees and thirty minutes of northern latitude.
    Period printed descriptionRichard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (London, 1657), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file ligon1657.txt), lines 2000-2003On: Barbados
  243. An Act concerning Ships, and the Duty of the Master or Merchant upon their Arrival, with the Appointment of the Impost of Powder and Tunnage, bearing date the first day of July 1663, required every master to present himself to the Governor or President, obtain a licence, certify his ship's voyage and lading, make entry and give security of two thousand pounds sterling in the Secretary's Office in St. Michael's Town before he traded or landed goods.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file barbados_acts_1721.txt), lines 16863-16889On: Barbados
  244. Ligon reports it conjectured by those long acquainted with the island that there were not less than fifty thousand souls upon it besides Negroes.
    Period printed descriptionRichard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (London, 1657), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file ligon1657.txt), lines 3305-3309On: Barbados
  245. The Barbados act on piracy recites that several colonies and plantations of King Charles II in America had been lately infested by a dangerous sort of people called pyrates, enemies not only to His Majesty's settlements but of all mankind.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file barbados_acts_1721.txt), no. 306, How Pyrates and Felonies done upon the Sea shall be tried and punished, preamble, lines 15336-15341On: Barbados
  246. That act was made by Sir Richard Dutton, Captain General and Governor in Chief of this and other the Charibbee Islands, with the Council and General Assembly, so that offenders might be proceeded against according to the statute of the twenty-eighth year of Henry VIII.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file barbados_acts_1721.txt), no. 306, enacting clause, lines 15376-15380On: Barbados
  247. The act provides that persons brought prisoner to the island for treason, felonies, pyracies or other offences upon the seas, or in any creek, haven or bay in or about the island, be enquired of, heard, tried and determined in the island as if the offences had been done upon the land.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file barbados_acts_1721.txt), no. 306, first clause, lines 15383-15391On: Barbados
  248. Conviction under the act carried pains of death and the loss of lands, goods and chattels, and the act was passed in December 1684.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648, to 1718 (London, 1721), read in the Internet Archive copy (library file barbados_acts_1721.txt), no. 306, closing clause and date of passing, lines 15402-15408On: Barbados
  249. Johnson opens his chapter on Bonnet by calling him a gentleman of good reputation in the island of Barbadoes, master of a plentiful fortune, who had the advantage of a liberal education and the least temptation of any man to that course of life.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Chap. IV, Of Major Stede Bonnet, and his Crew, read in the Project Gutenberg text 40580, with The Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet, and Other Pirates behind it, library text lines 2775-2781On: Barbados
  250. Johnson relates that a Bristol galley then lying in the harbour was fitted out with twenty guns and eighty men, there being then no man of war upon that station, together with a sloop of ten guns and forty men, the galley commanded by Captain Rogers of Bristol.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his crew, read in the Project Gutenberg text 40580 (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt), library text lines 6860-6863On: Barbados
  251. Johnson states that Roberts got clear and could never endure a Barbadoes man afterwards.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his crew, read in the Project Gutenberg text 40580 (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt), library text lines 6878-6880On: Barbados
  252. The General History records that Rhett sailed over the Charles Town bar on 15 September with two sloops, went after the pirate Vane and scoured the rivers and inlets to the southward, and on missing him tacked and stood for Cape Fear River.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Chap. IV, Of Major Stede Bonnet and his Crew (Project Gutenberg ebook 40580)On: Charles Town (Charleston)
  253. The General History dates that execution to Saturday the 8th of November and prints the year as 1711, which cannot stand with its own heading of the sessions of October and November 1718.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Chap. IV, the list of the men executed (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 3252-3257)On: Charles Town (Charleston)
  254. Stede Bonnet was tried on 10 November 1718, convicted on both indictments, sentenced on 12 November and executed at White Point, Charles Town, on 10 December 1718.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Chap. IV, with the Charles Town proceedings of 28 October to 12 November 1718 as the register row cites themOn: Charles Town (Charleston)
  255. Narcissus Luttrell records that on 16 April 1700 Captain Kidd was examined before the lords of the admiralty and committed to Newgate, thirteen more pirates having been examined and sent thither the day before.
    Period diary printed in a modern workSir Cornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), extracts from Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. IV, p. 634.On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  256. Narcissus Luttrell records that on 27 April 1700 ten of the pirates lately brought from New England were ordered to be tried by a high court of admiralty, while Kidd was to be kept close prisoner until Parliament could examine him.
    Period diary printed in a modern workSir Cornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), extracts from Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. IV, p. 638.On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  257. Johnson relates that Walter Kennedy was visited in Bridewell by a mate named Grant, who knew him, procured a warrant and had him committed to the Marshalsea prison, and that Kennedy was executed on 19 July 1721 at Execution Dock.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Volume I, chapter IX, Of Captain Bartho. Roberts, the account of Kennedy's taking and execution.On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  258. The printed account of the dying speeches of the pirates condemned in 1701 states that all the prisoners were conveyed from Newgate to the execution dock in Wapping by the officers of the Admiralty and others, carrying the Silver Oar before them according to the usual custom.
    Printed dying-speech account quoted in a modern workCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (1911), quoting The only True Account of the Dying Speeches of the Condemned Pirates (London, 1701).On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  259. Narcissus Luttrell records under 24 May 1701 that Captain Kidd and three others condemned for piracy were executed at execution dock at Wapping, and that the halter of the first broke but he was tied up again.
    Period diary printed in a modern workSir Cornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), extracts from Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, vol. IV, p. 53 (vol. V).On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  260. At the executions outside Cape Corso Castle a gentleman who was surgeon of the ship offered himself in the room of an Ordinary and put the heinousness of their sin to the condemned men, who exclaimed against the severity of the court and said that they were poor rogues and so hanged, while others no less guilty in another way escaped.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Volume I, chapter IX, Of Captain Bartho. Roberts, the account of the behaviour of the condemned.On: Newgate, the Marshalsea and Admiralty Execution
  261. Ligon states that the servants' conspiracy appointed a day to fall upon their masters and cut all their throats and so make themselves masters of the island, and that eighteen of the principal men in it were put to death for example to the rest.
    Period printed descriptionRichard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (London, 1657), the account of the servants' combinationOn: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  262. An act of Barbados enacted by Sir Bevill Granville laid a duty of five shillings current money of the island on every Negro or other slave imported to the island and landed there, payable by the merchant or consignee to the island treasurer within thirty days.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for laying a Duty on Negroes and other Slaves imported to this Island, No. 516On: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  263. The Barbados act for the good governing of servants recites that much of the interest and substance of the island consists in the servants brought to and disposed of in it, and in their labour during the term they have to serve.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for the good Governing of Servants, and Ordering the Rights between Masters and Servants, No. 21, preambleOn: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  264. The same act provides that servants under eighteen who made no contract in England shall serve seven years and those above eighteen five years, that each shall receive four hundred pounds of muscovado sugar for wages at the end of the time, and that man and wife brought over as servants in one ship shall be sold and disposed of together and not severed.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for the good Governing of Servants, No. 21On: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  265. The preamble of the Barbados act for the governing of Negroes of 8 August 1688 describes the enslaved people brought to the island as of barbarous, wild and savage natures, and such as renders them wholly unqualified to be governed by the laws, customs and practices of our nations.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for the Governing of Negroes, No. 329, passed 8 August 1688, preambleOn: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  266. The same act forbids any master, mistress, commissioner or overseer to give their Negroes or other slaves leave to go out of their plantations on Sabbath days, holy days or any other time, except those who usually wait upon them wearing a livery, or with a ticket under the master's or mistress's hand specifying the time allowed for return.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for the Governing of Negroes, No. 329On: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  267. The same act orders that for a second offence of offering violence to any Christian the offender shall be severely whipped, his nose slit and be burned in some part of his face with a hot iron, and requires that all the slaves within the island have clothes once every year, drawers and caps for men and petticoats and caps for women.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), An Act for the Governing of Negroes, No. 329On: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  268. An act of Barbados passed 25 November 1675 provides that goods liable to the duty of four and a half per cent which are cast away or taken by enemies or pirates after being water-borne or shipped in a vessel designed to be transported from the island may have the like quantity shipped again custom-free.
    Printed colonial statutesActs of Assembly, passed in the island of Barbadoes, from 1648 to 1718 (London, 1721), the act touching goods of the production of this island lost or taken, relating to the four and a half per cent, passed 25 November 1675On: The Caribbean Plantation Economies
  269. Dow and Edmonds report, from the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, that after the company had lain some time at the island at the mouth of the Red Sea Every sent a pinnace to Mocha, which took two men who gave information as to the ships coming down.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed p. 97, footnoted to the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, pp. 260-262 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 4399-4406)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  270. Dow and Edmonds report, from the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, that the second ship was taken after a fight of three hours and that one hundred and eighty men were engaged in it.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed p. 97, footnoted to the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, pp. 260-262 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 4408-4411)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  271. Dow and Edmonds report, from the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, that the second ship carried a great quantity of jewels and a saddle and bridle set with rubies designed as a present for the Great Mogul.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed pp. 97-98, footnoted to the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, pp. 260-262 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 4411-4413)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  272. Wright's history of the Surat factory quotes the Governor of Surat, answering a communication from Annesley, as observing that the servants of God had lost 200,000 rupees in the affair, by which many of them were turned faqirs.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), printed p. 168, quoting the Governor's answer to Annesley as Annesley recorded it (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5261-5272)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  273. Wright's history of the Surat factory quotes Samuel Annesley writing to the Company that he had been ten months strictly shut up and fettered on account of the King's ship, the Gunjsawaee.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London, 1918), printed p. 225, quoting Annesley's answer to the Court of the East India Company (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 6978-6983)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  274. Charles Johnson's General History states that the great noise the taking made in Europe as well as in India was the occasion of all the romantick stories which were formed of Avery's greatness.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter Of Captain Avery (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1679-1681)On: Henry Every and the Ganj-i-Sawai (1695)
  275. At one of the two openings at the mouth of the harbour both the men of war entered and left the other open, so that Vane slipped his cable, set fire to a large prize he had there and put out, firing at the man of war as he went off.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates, volume I (London, 1724), the account of Vane's departure from Providence (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1221-1224)On: Woodes Rogers Takes Nassau (1718)
  276. Johnson's General History of the Pyrates (1724) gives the month of Rogers's arrival at his government as May or June 1718 and says he came with two of his Majesty's ships.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates, volume I (London, 1724), the account of the settlement of Providence (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1214-1218)On: Woodes Rogers Takes Nassau (1718)
  277. Johnson states that Rogers formed the former pirates, to the number of 400, into companies, appointing officers of those he most confided in.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates, volume I (London, 1724), the account of Rogers's government of Providence (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 1226-1229)On: Woodes Rogers Takes Nassau (1718)
  278. The prize pink took the ground at the back of Stage Harbor opposite Slutts-bush, on the south side of Cape Cod in what is now the town of Orleans, where Baker, the pirate in command of her, ordered the foremast and mizzen mast cut down and the heavy sea drove her high on shore.
    Modern scholarship reporting a trial printDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630 to 1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter on Samuel Bellamy, p. 124, footnoted there to The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy, Boston, 1717On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  279. An anchor was let go, the violence of the sea was so great that the cable was cut, the attempt to work off shore failed, and the ship drove on the bar.
    Modern scholarship reporting sworn evidenceDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 125 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5388-5391)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  280. A quarter of an hour after she struck the mainmast went by the board, by morning the ship was a tangled mass of wreckage, and about sixteen prisoners were drowned, including Crumpstey, the master of the pink.
    Modern scholarship reporting sworn evidenceDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 125 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5390-5394)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  281. Daniel Collins, master of a Cape Ann fishing sloop, deposed that he was taken about forty leagues eastward of Cape Ann on 10 May 1717 by a small pirate sloop with nineteen men aboard.
    Modern scholarship reporting a depositionDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 130 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5566-5570)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  282. The nineteen men aboard that sloop told Collins that they were the only men that escaped from the ship that ran ashore at Cape Cod, and that they made their escape in the long boat.
    Modern scholarship reporting a depositionDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 130 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5571-5573)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  283. The day after he arrived at Eastham, Southack posted a notice on the doors of three nearby meeting-houses announcing that the Governor had authorised him to discover and take care of the wreck.
    Modern scholarship reporting a posted noticeDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 128 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5505-5508)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  284. Southack objected that public money should not be spent on burying outlawed pirates.
    Modern scholarship reporting salvage correspondenceDow and Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter VIII on Samuel Bellamy, p. 128 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 5517-5519)On: The Wreck of the Whydah Gally (1717)
  285. A General History of the Pyrates states that Philip Roche had been concerned with others in insuring ships to a great value and then destroying them, and had got a little money by that and other rogueries.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, volume I, 1724, An Account of the Pyracies and Murders committed by Philip Roche, &c.On: The Atlantic Insurance Markets
  286. The same account states that Roche afterwards came to London and demanded money he had made insurance of in the name of John Eustace, that the officer was apprised of the fraud, and that Roche was arrested and flung into the Compter.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, volume I, 1724, An Account of the Pyracies and Murders committed by Philip Roche, &c.On: The Atlantic Insurance Markets
  287. Captain Hume of the Scarborough, hunting two pirate sloops through the Leeward Islands, sailed to Anguilla, where he learned that the sloops had some time before been at Spanish Town.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates, volume I (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Martel and his crewOn: Anguilla
  288. Charles Vane's company, wanting provisions, were steering between St Christopher's and Anguilla when they fell in with a brigantine and a sloop carrying the cargo they wanted, from whom they got provisions for sea store.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates, volume I (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Charles Vane and his crewOn: Anguilla
  289. The news brought off at Anguilla threw Kidd's men into such consternation that they sought every opportunity to run the ship on shore upon some reef or shoal, fearing he should carry them into an English port.
    Narrative printed in a modern workDalton, The Real Captain Kidd, printing the Narrative of Captain William Kidd and the Old Bailey trial of May 1701On: Anguilla
  290. At Kidd's trial in May 1701 a passenger named Davis, called by Kidd to prove the French passes, deposed that the boat was sent ashore and that word came there that Captain Kidd was published a pirate in England; the printed trial names the island Amboyna.
    Trial print in a modern workDalton, The Real Captain Kidd, printing the Narrative of Captain William Kidd and the Old Bailey trial of May 1701On: Anguilla
  291. Dampier writes of one of his shipmates in the South Seas that he was a seaman bred, could neither write nor read, and had formerly learnt to dance in the music-houses about Wapping.
    Period narrativeWilliam Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (1697), the chapter on Mindanao.On: Execution Dock
  292. One of the two printed accounts of the last dying words of Kidd and the pirates executed with him, both from the same printer, is signed by Paul Lorrain and dated the day of the execution, Friday 23 May 1701; which of the two is the earlier is not settled.
    Modern scholarship printing a period sheetCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), the chapter on Kidd's end, quoting the account signed by Paul Lorrain.On: Execution Dock
  293. Lorrain's account records that he left Kidd to go a little before him to the place of execution, and found when Kidd was brought thither that he was inflamed with drink.
    Modern scholarship printing a period sheetCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), the chapter on Kidd's end, quoting the account signed by Paul Lorrain and dated 23 May 1701.On: Execution Dock
  294. Lorrain's account records that the rope by which Kidd was tied broke, so that falling to the ground he was taken up alive, and by this means had opportunity to consider more of that Eternity he was launching into.
    Modern scholarship printing a period sheetCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), the chapter on Kidd's end, quoting the account signed by Paul Lorrain.On: Execution Dock
  295. Lorrain's account records that Kidd spoke from the top of the ladder, the scaffold being by then broken down, with Lorrain halfway on the ladder and as close to him as he could be.
    Modern scholarship printing a period sheetCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), the chapter on Kidd's end, quoting the account signed by Paul Lorrain.On: Execution Dock
  296. Lorrain's account records that Kidd warned all mariners of ships and others to have a care of themselves, and take warning from him.
    Modern scholarship printing a period sheetCornelius Neale Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London: William Heinemann, 1911), the chapter on Kidd's end, quoting the account signed by Paul Lorrain.On: Execution Dock
  297. Walter Kennedy was executed on 19 July 1721 at Execution Dock.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Volume I, chapter IX, Of Captain Bartho. Roberts.On: Execution Dock
  298. A General History of the Pyrates, leaving Roberts and the remains of his crew for a page or two in order to follow Kennedy, reckons Kennedy from that time as steering his course towards Execution Dock.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), Volume I, chapter IX, Of Captain Bartho. Roberts.On: Execution Dock
  299. Johnson's General History states that Commodore Matthews at St. Mary's would have engaged Edward England with promises of favour if he would communicate what he knew concerning the Cassandra and the rest of the pirates and assist in the pilotage, but that England was wary and thought this was to surrender at discretion.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates, the chapter 'Of Capt. Edward England, And his Crew', the account of Commodore Matthews's squadron in the Indian seas (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 4138-4141)On: Ile Sainte-Marie (Nosy Boraha)
  300. Dow and Edmonds report that Avery sent a pinnace to Mocha and took two men who gave information as to the ships coming down.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed p. 97, footnoted to the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1696-1697, pp. 260 to 262 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 4399 to 4401)On: Mocha
  301. Wright's history of the Surat factory reports that Annesley expressed the hope that the Emperor would accept the proposal of a convoy for the Mocha and Jeddah ships, and would grant to the Company the Sidhi's pay, which was Rs. 4,00,000 per annum.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (1918), printed p. 178, quoting Annesley's letter (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5536 to 5540)On: Mocha
  302. Wright's history of the Surat factory reports that the utmost concession Sir John Gayer would permit the Surat President to make was to agree to continue the convoy of the Mocha and Jeddah fleets for another year.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (1918), printed pp. 236 to 237, reporting Gayer's instructions to Annesley (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 7309 to 7312)On: Mocha
  303. The Surat factory's consultation, as printed by Wright, records Captain Richard Lavender telling the President that Captain Hamilton on the 7th March drew up a paper to be signed by the English seamen, whose purport was that they understood the factory had hindered their liberty by not performing its contract with the Moors concerning convoys to Mocha and that they would regain the English honour and their liberty though with the hazard of their lives, and that the paper was brought to Lavender himself, who refused to sign it.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (1918), printed pp. 185 to 186, quoting the Surat factory's consultation on Captain Richard Lavender's evidence (library file wright_annesley.txt, lines 5773 to 5782)On: Mocha
  304. A General History of the Pyrates reports that pirates under Condent, in a ship called the Dragon, took a large Moor's vessel coming from Iudda and Mocho with thirteen lackies of rupees on board, while the later chapter on the same man calls his ship the Flying Dragon and carries no such prize.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), Volume I, chapter V, Of Captain Edward England, the account of Commodore Matthews's squadron in the Indian seas (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, lines 4129 to 4131)On: Mocha
  305. Dow and Edmonds print a letter of the Earl of Bellomont in which he writes of taking James Gillam, "the Pirate that killed Capt. Edgecomb, commander of the Mocha".
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730, printed p. 34, quoting the Earl of Bellomont's letter to the Council of Trade and Plantations of 29 November 1699 (library file dow_piratesnec.txt, lines 2175 to 2177)On: Mocha
  306. Bartholomew Roberts found eleven sail in Whydah Road, English, French and Portuguese, three of the French being stout ships of thirty guns and upwards of a hundred men each, and all of them struck their colours when he came to fire.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7554)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  307. The commanders of the ships in Whydah Road and a good part of their men were ashore when the pirates came in, according to the custom of the place, to receive the cargoes and return the slaves, work they were obliged to watch the seasons for because of the dangerous sea.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7557)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  308. The Porcupine lay in Whydah Road with her lading of captives almost made up when the pirates came in, and her commander, being on shore settling his accounts, was sent to for the ransom and excused himself as having no orders from the owners.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7595)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  309. The pirates set the ship on fire with eighty enslaved people aboard her, chained two and two together, under the choice of perishing by fire or water, and those who jumped overboard from the flames were seized by sharks.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7603)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  310. The pirates intercepted a letter from General Phips to Mr Baldwin, the Royal African Company's agent at Whydah, giving an account that Roberts had been seen to windward of Cape Three Points so that Baldwin might the better guard the Company's ships.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7612)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  311. Atkins's journal of the voyage has his ship come before Whydah on 15 January and learn that the pirates had plundered and ransomed eleven sail of ships and had left the place two days before.
    Period printed description of the coastJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies; in His Majesty's Ships, the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), by John Atkins, Surgeon in the Royal Navy (library file gut72102_atkins_voyage_to_guinea.txt, line 6306)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  312. The General History has the pirates sail from Whydah Road on 13 January and the Swallow arrive there on the 17th.
    Period narrativeCharles Johnson, A General History of the Pyrates (London, 1724), the chapter of Captain Bartho. Roberts and his Crew (library file gut40580_johnson_general_history.txt, line 7705)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  313. The king of Dahomey overran Whydah in 1727, a revolution that overturned everything there and entirely destroyed the slave trade the English drove from the place.
    Period printed description of the coastJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies; in His Majesty's Ships, the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), by John Atkins, Surgeon in the Royal Navy (library file gut72102_atkins_voyage_to_guinea.txt, line 2849)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  314. Thousands fled at Sabbee from two hundred of the king of Dahomey's men.
    Period printed description of the coastJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies; in His Majesty's Ships, the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), by John Atkins, Surgeon in the Royal Navy (library file gut72102_atkins_voyage_to_guinea.txt, line 3024)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  315. After the conquest the conquerors plundered all the European merchants at Jaqueen, finishing the destruction of the slave trade, the little of it still doing being carried on at Appah, beyond the bounds of the conquest.
    Period printed description of the coastJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies; in His Majesty's Ships, the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), by John Atkins, Surgeon in the Royal Navy (library file gut72102_atkins_voyage_to_guinea.txt, line 2895)On: Whydah (Ouidah)
  316. Smith reports that Bartholomew Roberts brought three ships before Bence Island after Governor Plunkett refused his demand for gold dust, powder and ball, and that a sustained engagement followed.
    Period primary source or printed calendarSmith, A New Voyage to Guinea (1744), printed p. 42, library lines 1602-1628On: Bunce Island
  317. Smith reports that after the engagement Roberts's men rifled the warehouses, sailed out on the next ebb, and left Plunkett in possession of a fort they had not greatly damaged.
    Period primary source or printed calendarSmith, A New Voyage to Guinea (1744), printed p. 43, library lines 1649-1664On: Bunce Island
  318. Smith wrote that the castle stood on a large rock projecting into the sea as a headland and reported that the Portuguese had founded it about 1610 before the Dutch enlarged it.
    Period primary source or printed calendarSmith, A New Voyage to Guinea (1744), printed p. 122, library lines 4387-4405On: Cape Coast Castle
  319. Isaiah Thomas's catalogue of American imprints places the Act for extending and improving the trade to Africa among the Acts of the twenty-third year of George II, gives its title as An Act for extending and Improving the Trade to Africa, and thus supplying the Plantations and Colonies with Negroes, and records it reprinted at New London as a folio of twenty-two pages.
    Printed catalogue of imprintsIsaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, vol. 2, the catalogue of Ante-Revolutionary Publications, the list for the year 1751.On: The Company of Merchants Trading to Africa
  320. John Atkins, writing in 1735, reports the argument of the favourers of companies in the Africa trade: that if the trade must be allowed at all it was better for the public that some rich and powerful set of men should have exclusive powers, to encourage and enable the subsisting of forts and garrisons, to awe the natives, and to keep the trade from being engrossed by the Dutch, to whom whatever the English relinquished fell as an acquisition.
    Period printed descriptionJohn Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies, in His Majesty's Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1735), the account of the African Company and the trade to it.On: The Company of Merchants Trading to Africa
  321. Baldridge was connected with Jamaica, saying in his own account that the Batchelors Delight "belonged to Jamaica", while Perkins reported the hearsay, "as he was informed", that Baldridge "had formerly killed a man in Jamaica" and turned pirate on account of it.
    Sworn depositionsDeposition of Adam Baldridge (C.O. 5:1042, no. 30 II; Jameson (1923) doc 68); Deposition of Samuel Perkins, relating to pirates in the East Indies (C.O. 323:2, no. 131; Jameson (1923) doc 65)On: Adam Baldridge
  322. Captain Kidd alleged, in an account reported by Bellomont and quoted by Jameson, that Baldridge "inveigled a great number of the natives of St. Maries, men, women and children" aboard ship and sold them as slaves to the French at Mascarene, so provoking the rising of about 1697, a charge Baldridge's own account never answers and which Perkins corroborates only in outline by placing Baldridge at Mascarene selling prize goods.
    Modern scholarly edition and sworn depositionEditorial headnote and footnotes to documents 65, 68 and 73 in Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Jameson (1923), quoting N.Y. Col. Doc. IV. 333, 413, 518-526, 552, 766); Deposition of Samuel Perkins (C.O. 323:2, no. 131; Jameson (1923) doc 65)On: Adam Baldridge
  323. About 1700 a chaplain of the New York fort married the wife of Edward Buckmaster, one of Shelley's men supposed to be still alive, to Baldridge, the licence having been obtained for "Adam Ball" with "-dridge" added afterward.
    Modern scholarly editionEditorial headnote and footnotes to documents 65, 68 and 73 in Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents (Jameson (1923), notes to docs 65, 68 and 73, citing N.Y. Col. Doc. IV. 333, 413, 766)On: Adam Baldridge
  324. No source read for this record gives Baldridge a date or place of death or a securely documented later career beyond his New York deposition of 1699 and the "Adam Ball" marriage note of about 1700, while later accounts assert a later New York life, a death in his seventies and a return to piracy, none of them checked against a primary document here.
    Sworn deposition and modern scholarly editionDeposition of Adam Baldridge (C.O. 5:1042, no. 30 II; Jameson (1923) doc 68); editorial notes to documents 65, 68 and 73 in Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative DocumentsOn: Adam Baldridge
  325. On 27 October 1681, among the Duke of York's Islands in the far south, a native man was shot in the water and a native youth was seized, whom the buccaneers named Orson; the condemnatory words "villainous crew" and "barbarity" belong to Burney's own narration and not to Ringrose, whose quoted words describe only the captured youth.
    Reproduced journalsHistory of the Buccaneers of America (Chapters 9 and 10), Ringrose as reproduced there, with Burney's surrounding narrationOn: Bartholomew Sharp
  326. Thomas Walker's complaint letters of 1716 record Hornigold mounting guns in the ruined fort at Nassau and threatening Walker.
    Colonial Office manuscripts, reported at second handThomas Walker correspondence to the Council of Trade and Plantations, C.O. 5, 1265 No. 52, and the copy of Thomas Walker's deposition, C.O. 5, 382 Part 1 (item 021), both as reported in "The Strongest Man Carries the Day: Life in New Providence 1716-1717", csphistorical.comOn: Benjamin Hornigold
  327. The acts documented against Hornigold are modest, Spanish prizes, provisioning plunder such as the sloop Lamb, a released logwood ship and one taking that came away with hats, and no killing, torture or serious injury of a captive is recorded in any source consulted.
    Trial pamphlet with secondary accountsThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy &c. (Boston, 1718); "The Strongest Man Carries the Day: Life in New Providence 1716-1717", csphistorical.com; "Did You Know Blackbeard's Mentor Was a Pirate Hunter?", qaronline.orgOn: Benjamin Hornigold
  328. Johnson's Captain Lewis is distinct from the other men of the surname in the colonial record: Captain Thomas Lewis, a privateer; the French pirate Louis Guittar, anglicised as Lewis, taken off Virginia in 1700, tried in England and hanged in London on 13 November 1700; and Jonas Lewis, a deponent.
    Edited primary-source collectionPrivateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative DocumentsOn: Captain Lewis
  329. No forename, birth date or place, trial record, colonial report or newspaper notice of a pirate Lewis has been found, and the figure is probably part fiction, so the scarcity of the record is itself the central finding.
    Edited primary-source collectionPrivateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative DocumentsOn: Captain Lewis
  330. John Danson, examined at Boston in 1687, deposed that he had sailed from the town four years before in a private man-of-war commanded by one Henley and had gone into the Red Sea, where they plundered and took what they could from the Malabars and the Arabs, before he left Henley and took passage with one Wollery, a consort of Henley; the year 1683 is a back-count from that deposition and not a recorded date, and Danson itemises no act of Goffe's own.
    Modern scholarship and colonial recordsThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 30, transcribing Massachusetts Archives, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 10; the manuscript not directly consultedOn: Christopher Goffe
  331. Goffe came into Newport in Rhode Island aboard a ship commanded by William Wollery that was supposed to have come from the Great South Sea; a shot across her forefoot brought her to anchor, and the next day she sailed for Andrews Island, where the vessel was burnt and the men dispersed. The commander's forename is given as William in the transcribed Massachusetts records, as Thomas in popular accounts, and not at all in Danson's deposition, which says only "one Wollery".
    Modern scholarship and colonial recordsThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 30, the passage footnoted to Massachusetts Archives, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 191; the manuscript not directly consultedOn: Christopher Goffe
  332. Goffe was very sick and weak at his surrender, and the bond he gave was signed also by two Boston citizens, who are not named in the transcription.
    Modern scholarship and colonial recordsThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 30, the passage footnoted to Massachusetts Archives, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 191; the manuscript not directly consultedOn: Christopher Goffe
  333. Nothing came of the Boston magistrates' investigations of 1687, and the plate and money that had been seized was returned to Captain Narramore and John Danson.
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 31On: Christopher Goffe
  334. The popular account that Goffe openly admitted piracy in 1687, escaped prosecution for want of evidence and kept his treasure goes beyond the transcribed record, which carries a surrender under the proclamation and a bond to seek the King's pardon and no itemised confession or finding about retained treasure.
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32)On: Christopher Goffe
  335. The commission of August 1691 was granted by Governor Bradstreet and set Goffe's station between Cape Cod and Cape Ann and off the Isles of Shoals, for the safeguard of the coast.
    Modern scholarship and colonial recordsThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 31, the passage footnoted to Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXXVII, leaf 117; the manuscript not directly consultedOn: Christopher Goffe
  336. The occasion of the 1691 commission was the capture at Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, of a vessel commanded by Capt. Thomas Wilkinson and inward bound from Cadiz, taken by two privateers commanded respectively by Capt. Thomas Griffin and Captain Dew.
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 31On: Christopher Goffe
  337. Griffin landed at Portsmouth and wrote to the Governor claiming that he carried a privateering commission, that he had mistaken Wilkinson's vessel for a French one said to be on the coast, and that he had seized her on finding prohibited goods aboard, after firing three great shot and a volley of small arms.
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 31On: Christopher Goffe
  338. Writing to the Governor from near Portsmouth on 14 August 1691, Goffe undertook to obey the command to seize Griffin and Dew if it lay in his power to meet with them, reported one of them then in sight standing off and on between his position and the Isles of Shoals, and gave as the reasons the chase must fail that the privateers sailed two foot to his one and that his bread and beer were almost expended; a few days later he asked to be recalled to Nantasket for supplies.
    Modern scholarship and colonial recordsThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730 (the Goffe passage at pp. 30-32), chapter Dixey Bull and Some Other Pirates, p. 32, quoting Massachusetts Archives, Vol. XXXVII, leaf 117; the manuscript not directly consultedOn: Christopher Goffe
  339. The surname Moody in the pirate record of about 1717 to 1722 attaches to at least two distinct men who are routinely run together: an independent captain named William Moody, commander of the Rising Sun, and Christopher Moody, a member of Bartholomew Roberts's company executed in 1722.
    Calendared state papers and period narrativeCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol. 30 (1717-1718), item 797, Governor Hamilton to the Council of Trade and Plantations, with the depositions enclosed; A General History of the Pyrates, Vol. I (1724), the trials of Bartholomew Roberts's crew at Cape Corso CastleOn: Christopher Moody
  340. No primary source read for this record names the independent captain Christopher; the forename attaches only to the executed Roberts crewman, so the popular Captain Christopher Moody fuses William Moody's ship and captaincy with Christopher Moody's forename.
    Calendared state papers and period narrativeCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol. 30 (1717-1718), item 797; A General History of the Pyrates, Vol. I (1724), the Cape Corso Castle trials; The History of the Pyrates, Vol. II, the letter from Charles TownOn: Christopher Moody
  341. Governor Walter Hamilton, writing from St Christophers on 19 December 1718, reported three pirate vessels cruising among the Leeward Islands, a ship of 24 guns commanded by one Captain William Moody, a brigantine of eight guns under Captain Frowd and a sloop of six or eight guns, which had taken, stranded and burnt several vessels between St Christophers and Santa Cruix.
    Calendared state papersCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol. 30 (1717-1718), item 797, Governor Hamilton to the Council of Trade and Plantations, St Christophers, 19 December 1718On: Christopher Moody
  342. A pirate captain known as Condent or Congdon operated in the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean about 1718 to 1721.
    Period narrative and modern accountsThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (1728), the chapter Of Captain Condent, and his Crew; Christopher Condent; Edward Congdon; Pirate Edward Congdon retires (October 2017), reporting the Bourbon surrender from French colonial materialOn: Condent
  343. Condent was never tried and no court adjudicated his personal guilt for any act attributed to him, his career ending instead in a pardon from the Governor of Bourbon.
    Period narrative and secondary accountThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (1728), the chapter Of Captain Condent, and his Crew; Pirate Edward Congdon retires (October 2017), reporting the Bourbon surrender from French colonial materialOn: Condent
  344. George Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, writing in 1923 of the pirate resort on the island of St Mary off Madagascar, name Congdon, without a forename, among the successful leaders who came there, alongside Burgess, Clayton, Taylor and England.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (1923), chapter Pirate Haunts and Cruising Grounds, p. 349On: Condent
  345. The settled identity of this pirate stands no higher than likely, the surname being unstable across Condent, Congdon and related forms, the forename genuinely contested and the nickname modern.
    Period narrative and modern accountsThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (1728), the chapter Of Captain Condent, and his Crew; Christopher Condent; Edward Congdon; Pirate Edward Congdon retires (October 2017)On: Condent
  346. The company disbanded at St Mary's and Condent surrendered under a pardon from the Governor of Bourbon on condition that the ships were destroyed, the Flying Dragon being sunk.
    Period narrative and secondary accountThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (1728), the chapter Of Captain Condent, and his Crew; Pirate Edward Congdon retires (October 2017), reporting the Bourbon surrender from French colonial materialOn: Condent
  347. A resolution of the Mayor and Common Council of the City of New York of 25 July 1723, printed in Johnson's chapter, presented Captain Peter Solgard of his Majesty's ship the Greyhound with the freedom of the corporation for a cruise in which he engaged 'two Pyrate Sloops, commanded by one Low', took one of them 'after a resolute Resistance', and 'very much shattered the other, who by the Favour of the Night escaped'.
    Council minute in a period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (Chap. XIII, Of Captain Edward Low, And his Crew), Project Gutenberg ebook 40580, lines 11201 to 11217On: Edward Low
  348. A running fight with HMS Diamond off the Bay of Honduras on 31 August 1724, in which Spriggs and his consort Shipton were fired on and escaped into shoal water, is reported from the ship's logbook by Gregory N. Flemming.
    Modern secondary accountRare logbooks from HMS Diamond (blog post by Gregory N. Flemming, author of At the Point of a Cutlass), 1 December 2013On: Francis Spriggs
  349. Everything the Archive can state about the French buccaneer Exquemelin calls Francis Lolonois comes from one narrative, Exquemelin's Buccaneers of America, no independent colonial record naming him having been reached.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the l'Olonnais chapters VI to VIII, and the editorial Introduction), Gutenberg ebook 26690On: Francois l'Olonnais
  350. Exquemelin spells the name Lolonois throughout and calls him a native of that territory in France which is called Les Sables d'Olone, or The Sands of Olone, from which the byname derives, and the 1695 English printing of the History of the Bucaniers of America opens its chapter on him in the same terms.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the l'Olonnais chapters VI to VIII, and the editorial Introduction), Gutenberg ebook 26690; Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, English printing of 1695, Part II, first Lolonois chapterOn: Francois l'Olonnais
  351. Exquemelin's account of his beginnings takes him young to the Caribbee islands in quality of servant, or slave, then to Hispaniola and the hunters there, then through two or three voyages as a common mariner in which he gained the favour of the governor of Tortuga, Monsieur de la Place, who gave him a ship.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the l'Olonnais chapters VI to VIII), Gutenberg ebook 26690On: Francois l'Olonnais
  352. The narrative divides into two expeditions, the first of which storms the fort de la barra of sixteen guns and sacks the city of Maracaibo and then the town of Gibraltar on the same lake, the 1695 English printing describing the buccaneers marching in good order into a town whose inhabitants had already retired into the woods and towards Gibraltar with their families.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the l'Olonnais chapters VI to VIII), Gutenberg ebook 26690; Exquemelin, The History of the Bucaniers of America, English printing of 1695, Part II, the Maracaibo chapterOn: Francois l'Olonnais
  353. Cruelty is the defining element of the source portrait: Exquemelin writes that Spaniards would choose rather to die, or sink fighting, than surrender to him, closes the chapters by calling him that infernal wretch Lolonois, and later uses the name as a measure of savagery by saying of another pirate that he may deservedly be called the second Lolonois.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the l'Olonnais chapters VI to VIII), Gutenberg ebook 26690On: Francois l'Olonnais
  354. Exquemelin was a participant, the edition's Introduction placing his arrival at Tortuga in 1666 in the employ of the French West India Company and his service to the buccaneers as a barber-surgeon, after a period of servitude, until 1672, present at all their exploits.
    Period narrativeExquemelin, The Pirates of Panama, or The Buccaneers of America (the editorial Introduction), Gutenberg ebook 26690On: Francois l'Olonnais
  355. Dow and Edmonds place Blanco between the islands of Margarita and Rocas, not far from Tortuga, and describe it as well wooded with heavy scrub growth everywhere, frequented by large sea turtles and supporting great numbers of iguanas about five feet long.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Marine Research Society, Salem, Massachusetts, 1923), chapter IX, page 139On: George Lowther
  356. Dow and Edmonds place the careening in a small cove or sandy bay on the north west end of Blanco about the first of October 1723, with the sloop unrigged and her guns and sails sent ashore.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter IX, page 139On: George Lowther
  357. Dow and Edmonds record that, the captured vessel secured, twenty-five men went ashore in search of Lowther and his crew and, after five days of beating about the bushes, took sixteen of the pirates.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter IX, pages 139-140On: George Lowther
  358. Dow and Edmonds record that men were hanged by the neck until dead on 20 March 1724 on a gallows erected between high and low water mark at St Christopher's.
    Modern scholarshipGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter IX, page 140On: George Lowther
  359. The sixth article of the set printed by Dow and Edmonds as the articles of Captain Edward Low and his company gives a man who loses a limb in time of engagement six hundred pieces of eight and a place aboard as long as he shall think fit.
    Newspaper text via modern reprintGeorge Francis Dow and John Henry Edmonds, The Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Salem, 1923), chapter X, pages 146-147, printing the articles credited to the Boston News-Letter of 8 August 1723On: George Lowther
  360. Which man commanded the second commissioned sloop is unresolved: Balchen names Capt. Edward James beside Jennings, while the second commander is given elsewhere as John Wills of the Eagle.
    Calendared state papersCSP Colonial vol 29 no. 158, enclosing Balchen of HMS Diamond (iv) and Samuel Page (v) (C.O. 137, 11. Nos. 16, 16 i.-xv.), read on British History Online; CSP Colonial vol 29 no. 158 i, del Valle to the Marquis de Monteleon, Jamaica, 18 March 1715/16 (C.O. 137, 11. No. 16 i.), read on British History OnlineOn: Henry Jennings
  361. The General History calls Jennings the pirates' Commadore, who always bore a great sway among them, and an informant in Vickers's deposition likewise took him for a leader, but authority at New Providence was contested, Benjamin Hornigold being described as the protector of all the pirates there and Thomas Barrow styling himself Governor of Providence.
    Period narrative and depositionA General History of the Pyrates (the Jennings wreck-raid narrative and the Porto Bello prize), 1724 (Gutenberg ebook 40580); CSP Colonial vol 29 no. 240 i, deposition of John Vickers late of Providence (C.O. 5, 1317. Nos. 45, 45 i.-iii.), read on British History OnlineOn: Henry Jennings
  362. Morgan's birthplace is unsettled: Welsh genealogy makes him eldest son of Robert Morgan of Llanrhymney in Glamorgan, Crooke's 1685 apology makes him a gentleman's son of good quality from the county of Monmouth, and Penkarne, also linked to him, appears in his own will as a Jamaican estate in the parish of St George.
    Modern scholarshipThe Life of Sir Henry Morgan, with William Crooke's printed apology and corrections (1685) and the last will and testament of Sir Henry Morgan, Knight (Jamaica Liber of Wills, 6, folio 8)On: Henry Morgan
  363. Exquemelin alleges that at Porto Bello soldiers were shut in a castle that was then blown up and prisoners racked to death, and Crooke's 1685 apology answers that the castle was left standing and quarter given to all who yielded.
    Period narrativeThe Pirates of Panama; or, The Buccaneers of America (Broadway edition, ed. George Alfred Williams; reproducing the 1684 English translation of Exquemelin, here abridged for general readers), with William Crooke's printed apology and corrections (1685)On: Henry Morgan
  364. Arnold Wright records that towards the end of August 1703 "a European pirate suddenly appeared off the Guzerat Coast" and fell on the native shipping there, plundering some vessels and driving others ashore.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London: Andrew Melrose, 1918), chapter XIV, p. 274On: John Bowen
  365. Wright records that when news of that raid reached Surat a mob descended on the Old Company's factory and found the gates closed against it.
    Modern scholarshipArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and His Times (London: Andrew Melrose, 1918), chapter XIV, p. 274On: John Bowen
  366. Captain Thomas Green of the Worcester was hanged at Leith with two of his men in April 1705 for the piracy and murder of the Speedy Return's crew, the Worcester having been seized in retaliation for the arrest of the Annandale, and William Foster's editorial note states that "the execution was unwarranted is now admitted".
    Modern editorial note and period narrativeEditorial note on Captain Thomas Green and the Worcester in the 1930 Argonaut Press edition of Hamilton's A New Account of the East Indies; The History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (1728), the chapter Of Captain Bowen, pp. 49-64On: John Bowen
  367. Quelch's words on the gallows, reported in the dying-speeches broadsheet as reprinted by Dow and Edmonds, were that he was "condemned only upon Circumstances" and that people should "take care how they brought money into New England, to be Hanged for it", while Erasmus Peterson said "it is very hard for so many mens Lives to be taken away for a little Gold".
    Gallows broadside reprinted in modern narrative historyThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630 to 1730 (Appendix III, The Dying Speeches of Captain Quelch and his Companions, p. 376)On: John Quelch
  368. In the Dow and Edmonds reprint of the dying-speeches broadsheet the heading and the opening of the narrative both date the execution to Friday 30 June 1704.
    Gallows broadside reprinted in modern narrative historyThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630 to 1730 (Appendix III, The Dying Speeches of Captain Quelch and his Companions, p. 376)On: John Quelch
  369. By October 1705 the province had sent 788 ounces of coined, bar and dust gold, weighed by Jeremiah Dummer, to the Crown by HM Ship Guernsey, 726 pounds 19 shillings and fourpence having been paid out of the treasure in fees and rewards, Governor Dudley later receiving a royal bounty as his share, and Cotton Mather alleging "odd Collusions" by which money was extorted from the crew for liberty in the prison yard.
    Modern narrative historyThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630 to 1730 (Chapter VII, John Quelch and his Crew who were Hanged in Boston and their Gold Distributed)On: John Quelch
  370. The Boston News-Letter reports of the case were read for this record only through reproductions inside Dow and Edmonds and the Sewall edition rather than in the original issues, the dying-speeches broadsheet only as reprinted by Dow and Edmonds, and Cotton Mather's Faithful Warnings of 1704 and Deplorable State of New England of 1708 not at all, while Dow and Edmonds' own narrative is a modern retelling carrying at least one slip.
    Period newspaper and gallows broadside read through modern narrative history and a source editionThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630 to 1730 (Chapter VII, John Quelch and his Crew who were Hanged in Boston and their Gold Distributed); The Boston News-Letter, 1704 issues reporting the Quelch case (arrival notice 15 to 22 May; report of 25 June; execution report early July); Diary of Samuel Sewall, the volume covering 1704 (Massachusetts Historical Society Collections edition)On: John Quelch
  371. Samuel Sewall's diary of the execution, as reprinted by Dow and Edmonds, has the seven condemned men go up when the scaffold was hoisted and puts Cotton Mather in the boat below it, praying for them as they went up.
    Contemporary diary quoted in modern narrative historyThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630 to 1730 (Chapter VII, John Quelch and his Crew who were Hanged in Boston and their Gold Distributed, p. 113), quoting the Diary of Samuel Sewall for 30 June 1704On: John Quelch
  372. Musson names Burgess and Henry Jennings together among the five Providence captains, which establishes their co-location in 1717 but not that they were confederates, since Musson nowhere states that they were and Jennings is often placed instead in a more Jamaican-privateer faction; the closer alliance between the two rests on modern narrative rather than on the primary sources read.
    Calendared state papers and modern scholarshipAmerica and West Indies: July 1717 (Capt. Mathew Musson to the Council of Trade and Plantations, calendar item 635), C.O. 5/1265, No. 73; Quelling a Pirate RevoltOn: Josiah Burgess
  373. Burgess accepted the King's pardon at New Providence in 1718, an inference from Johnson's statement that the former pirates were formed into companies under Woodes Rogers and from modern accounts of the February 1718 surrender to Capt. Vincent Pearse; no pardon certificate naming Burgess has been located.
    Period narrative and modern scholarshipA General History of the Pyrates (Introduction, on the pirates of Providence and their fates under Woodes Rogers), Gutenberg ebook 40580; America and West Indies: February 1718, 1-15 (Peter Heywood to the Council of Trade and Plantations, calendar item 357), C.O. 137/13, Nos. 5, 5.i; Quelling a Pirate RevoltOn: Josiah Burgess
  374. Burgess is reported by modern scholarship to have been among the pirate commanders and ringleaders, with Hornigold, Leslie and Nichols, who urged Capt. Vincent Pearse to release Charles Vane in February 1718; Pearse's own return has not been read.
    Modern scholarshipQuelling a Pirate Revolt; Pirates and Privateers: Benjamin HornigoldOn: Josiah Burgess
  375. Brown's death is dated to November 1726 in modern accounts, no period document giving a date has been located, and the calendared papers read for late 1726 are silent about it.
    Calendared state papersChecked against Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol. 35 (1726), December 1726 (16 to 31) and related 1726 sections (e.g. pp. 188 to 204)On: Nicholas Brown
  376. Worley's documented career is short, running from a departure from New York about late September 1718 (Johnson) to his death in a sea-fight near Charles Town about November 1718 (court records), roughly two months on the court record dating, though Johnson's hanging of 17 February 1718-19 would lengthen it, rather than the half-year some accounts imply
    Period narrative; Printed trial recordA General History of the Pyrates ('Of Captain Worley, and his Crew'); Manuscript journal of the South Carolina Court of Vice-Admiralty, 1718 sessions, as read in the Charleston Time Machine essays by Nicholas ButlerOn: Richard Worley
  377. Unpaid Crown accounts, his August 1695 account for provisioning troops totalling about 3,719 pounds, drove his 1695 voyage to London, where he also sought to prefer charges against Governor Benjamin Fletcher.
    Regional history and biographyPirates, Prostitution and the Livingston Family; Robert Livingston (county history biography), Columbia County historyOn: Robert Livingston
  378. The victualling and public-money attacks on Livingston were a Leislerian and Nanfan factional audit war in which no embezzlement was ever proven, and two distinct suspensions are commonly conflated: Fletcher's in the mid-1690s, undone by Bellomont, and Nanfan's of 20 April 1702, undone under Cornbury.
    Calendared state papers and county historyCalendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 19, 1701, September 1701, 22-25 (items 880-881); History of Columbia County, New York (biography of Robert Livingston)On: Robert Livingston
  379. Livingston consistently maintained that the New York government owed him money, for sums he had advanced for the venture and for the subsistence of the militia and troops, and he crossed to London to seek redress.
    Regional and family historiesPirates, Prostitution and the Livingston Family; History of Columbia County, New York (biography of Robert Livingston); Descendants of the Schuyler Family of New YorkOn: Robert Livingston
  380. No allegation that Livingston received or trafficked pirate goods was found in the sources read, his documented commerce being the Albany fur and provisioning trade and an investment in the slave ship Margriet in 1690; on that particular charge the record examined leaves him unaccused.
    Published primary documentsPrivateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period: Illustrative Documents, document 77 and the Case of William Kidd headnotesOn: Robert Livingston
  381. The minority April 1725 death date is most plausibly a conflation with his nephew Robert Livingston the Younger, who did die in April 1725, reinforced by the first lord's own retirement from office in that year.
    Biographical referenceRobert Livingston the Younger; Robert Livingston, 1st Lord of Livingston Manor, and Alida SchuylerOn: Robert Livingston
  382. Bellamy was probably born about 1689, while accounts give Plymouth and the Devon parish records themselves have not been read.
    Modern scholarshipThe Wreck of the Whydah off Cape Cod, Historical Journal (Winter 2006), for Plymouth; the Devon parish records themselves were not readOn: Samuel Bellamy
  383. Bellamy used the galley Sultana as his flagship before he took the Whydah, and gave the Sultana to Captain Lawrence Prince in exchange, the Sultana's own capture being thinly documented.
    Printed trial recordThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy (Evans/TCP N01688)On: Samuel Bellamy
  384. The procurator-fiscal Alexander Higgins alleged that the Worcester's men boarded the vessel from their own manned sloop on the coast of Malabar between February and May 1703, killed about ten or more men who spoke English, and robbed her of her goods and cargo.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryal of Captain Thomas Green and his Crew, pursued before the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty of Scotland and the Assessors appointed by the Lords of Privy Council, at the instance of Mr. Alexander Higgins Advocat, Procurator-fiscal, for Piracy, Robbery and Murder (Edinburgh, printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, 1705, published by authority)On: Thomas Green
  385. Green pleaded not guilty, and the defence urged that the Worcester was on an open homeward voyage and that the accusing witnesses had not been aboard at the time.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryal of Captain Thomas Green and his Crew, pursued before the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty of Scotland and the Assessors appointed by the Lords of Privy Council, at the instance of Mr. Alexander Higgins Advocat, Procurator-fiscal, for Piracy, Robbery and Murder (Edinburgh, printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, 1705, published by authority)On: Thomas Green
  386. On 30 March 1705 two seamen of the Speedy Return swore at Portsmouth that Madagascar pirates had taken their ship and that the Worcester had never attacked them.
    Biographical dictionaryDictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900, vol. 23, Green, Thomas (d.1705), pp. 60 to 61On: Thomas Green
  387. The Speedy Return, Captain Robert Drummond, was taken by Madagascar pirates, and Robert Drury's Journal, as the Dictionary of National Biography reports it, has Drummond killed later at Tullea in Madagascar.
    Biographical dictionaryDictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900, vol. 23, Green, Thomas (d.1705), pp. 60 to 61On: Thomas Green
  388. The Dictionary of National Biography records that there was no evidence whatever that Drummond had been murdered, or that he was even dead.
    Biographical dictionaryDictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900, vol. 23, Green, Thomas (d.1705), pp. 60 to 61On: Thomas Green
  389. The London tracts of 1705, The Case of Capt. Thomas Green and Remarks upon the Tryal of Capt. Thomas Green and his Crew, and the reprint of the trial in the Complete Collection of State Trials, volume 14, were located but not read for this record, and the books of Alexander Hamilton and Robert Drury are known here only as the Dictionary of National Biography reports them.
    Biographical dictionaryDictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900, vol. 23, Green, Thomas (d.1705), pp. 60 to 61On: Thomas Green
  390. About 1687 to 1688 he married Mercy Carr, daughter of Caleb Carr (later Governor of Rhode Island), a match that raised his standing in the colony
    Modern scholarshipA glimpse of RI's past: Captain Thomas Paine of Jamestown; Paine went from high seas to early Jamestown settler; That Awful Spectacle: Masking the City-by-the-Sea's Piratical PastOn: Thomas Paine
  391. Before turning pirate Pound was pilot and sailing master of the Royal Navy frigate Rose, then at the Boston station; the frigate had been disabled by the townspeople during the 1689 revolt against Governor Andros
    Modern scholarship; Period narrativeThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730, Chapter IV (Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King's Frigate, who became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman); Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674-1729, Volume I, pages 309 to 310 (entries of January 1689/90)On: Thomas Pound
  392. Conspiring to seize a vessel and go pirating: taking command of Hawkins' Bermudas boat, throwing the fish casks overboard, and agreeing to take the first vessel met and sail to the West Indies to prey on the French, 9 August 1689; Thomas Hawkins' Bermudas boat (the pirates' own first vessel); alleged by Boston court examinations reproduced by Dow
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730, Chapter IV (Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King's Frigate, who became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman)On: Thomas Pound
  393. Capture by show of arms of the fishing ketch Mary, homeward bound with a full fare of fish; her master and two men set free, a French speaking boy forced along as interpreter, 9 August 1689; Fishing ketch Mary, Helling (Allen) Chard master, owned by Philip English of Salem; alleged by Chard's report reproduced by Dow (Suffolk Court Files No. 2539:1)
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730, Chapter IV (Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King's Frigate, who became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman)On: Thomas Pound
  394. Procuring and abetting the desertion of the Fort Loyal garrison with stolen arms, ammunition and a brass gun, and refusing to return the men or arms on demand, about 12 August 1689; The garrison and stores of Fort Loyal, Falmouth, Maine (Commander Silvanus Davis); alleged by Dow narrative from the Massachusetts records
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730, Chapter IV (Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King's Frigate, who became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman)On: Thomas Pound
  395. Seizure of the sloop Good Speed, taken over as the pirates' vessel because larger than the ketch, her master and men set free; a defiant message sent to Boston that the pirates would die before being taken, 16 August 1689; Sloop Good Speed, John Smart master, owned by David Larkin of Piscataqua; alleged by Smart's report reproduced by Dow
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast, 1630-1730, Chapter IV (Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King's Frigate, who became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman)On: Thomas Pound
  396. The value of the first-voyage prize is contested: Baldridge reports twelve hundred pounds a man as the crew reported it, Johnson says it is said his men shared "near three thousand Pounds a Piece", and Edward Randolph is relayed at second hand as reporting about ten thousand pounds carried into Rhode Island, none of the three resting on an account of the division.
    Sworn deposition, period narrative and editorial apparatusDeposition of Adam Baldridge, document 68 in Jameson; A General History of the Pyrates (the digression on Captain Thomas Tew); Editorial notes to Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period (footnote 16 to document 63)On: Thomas Tew
  397. After the first Red Sea voyage Tew went to Rhode Island and, in Johnson's phrase, "made his Peace" there.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the digression on Captain Thomas Tew)On: Thomas Tew
  398. The letters patent granting pirates' goods recite a commission empowering Captain William Kidd of the Adventure Galley to seize "the said Thomas Too, John Ireland, Tho Wake, and William Maze, and all other Pirates", and neither that instrument nor anything else read for this record identifies Thomas Too with Thomas Tew.
    Modern scholarship printing a crown instrumentCopy of Grant of Pirates' Goods, Appendix A.1 in C. N. Dalton, The Real Captain Kidd: A Vindication (London, 1911)On: Thomas Tew
  399. Johnson names him 'Thomas White' throughout; the chapter heading is printed 'OF Captain THOMAS WHITE, And his CREW' (reproduced elsewhere in the block as a title reference with casing normalised), and the Halsey chapter describes him verbatim as 'once a Commander among the Pyrates, but then a private Man'
    Modern scholarshipThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Thomas White, and his Crew; with cross-references in the Life of Captain Halsey)On: Thomas White
  400. Johnson's exact characterisation is 'Captain White was all this while afore the Mast, being a forced Man from the Beginning', and that when his companions resolved to enter a pirate ship they 'determined him to go also'
    Modern scholarshipThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Thomas White, and his Crew; with cross-references in the Life of Captain Halsey)On: Thomas White
  401. No alias or assumed name for Dampier was found in the sources drawn on here, he was never convicted of piracy in any of them, and the only adjudicated offence against him was a court-martial for hard and cruel usage of his lieutenant.
    Printed participant narrativeA New Voyage Round the World; editorial introduction to the collected Dampier's VoyagesOn: William Dampier
  402. The company took the town of Santa Maria and attacked Spanish shipping off Panama in 1680.
    Printed participant narrativeWilliam Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (London, 1697), the introduction placed before chapter I, and chapter IOn: William Dampier
  403. The Cygnet cruise of 1686 to 1688, leaving the Mexican coast in late March 1686, reaching Guam about 21 May 1686 and New Holland in January 1688 and raiding the Spanish coasts in between, is reported by the editors of Dampier's voyages rather than by primary text read for this record.
    Editors' introductionsIntroduction accompanying a reproduction of Dampier's A New Voyage Round the World; editorial introduction to the collected Dampier's VoyagesOn: William Dampier
  404. What the St George took and attempted, including an attempt on the Manila ship, and where the fault for the voyage lay, stand between William Funnell's rival account of 1707 and Dampier's Vindication answering it, neither of which was read for this record.
    Editors' introductionsIntroduction accompanying a reproduction of Dampier's A New Voyage Round the World; editorial introduction to the collected Dampier's VoyagesOn: William Dampier
  405. The framing of Fly's 1726 mutiny and execution as the symbolic end of the golden age of piracy is the interpretation of later writers; neither the trial record nor Mather makes any such claim.
    Trial pamphlet and execution sermonThe Tryals of sixteen persons for piracy, &c. (Boston, printed for Joseph Edwards, 1726), Special Court of Admiralty at Boston, 4 and 5 July 1726; and Cotton Mather, The Vial Poured Out upon the Sea (Boston, printed by T. Fleet for N. Belknap, 1726)On: William Fly
  406. Howard's departure from Blackbeard's company before the final fight rests on secondary accounts giving July or August 1718; no primary document fixes the date, though his absence from the Ocracoke action is consistent with the record.
    Local-history article and calendared state papersWilliam Howard (Ocracoke Island Journal, July 2019); Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol. 30, No. 800, pp 430-432On: William Howard
  407. The trial print names those executed only as "Foreseth and the rest" and records no reprieve; that five men were hanged and that Joseph Dawson, the sole guilty plea, was spared is carried by the Archive's Every records and not by this document.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Joseph Dawson, Edward Forseith, William May, William Bishop, James Lewis, and John Sparkes for several piracies and robberies by them committed in the company of Every the grand pirate, Admiralty sessions at the Old Bailey ended 6 November 1696 (A63217; Wing T2252; ESTC R38357); the enumeration of the five hanged and Dawson's reprieve is carried by the Archive's Henry Every records, not by this printOn: William May
  408. No age, birth year, baptism, parish record or likeness of this William May has been located, and the age of forty-eight attached to him by popular lists is untraced to any document.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Joseph Dawson, Edward Forseith, William May, William Bishop, James Lewis, and John Sparkes for several piracies and robberies by them committed in the company of Every the grand pirate, Admiralty sessions at the Old Bailey ended 6 November 1696 (A63217; Wing T2252; ESTC R38357); the age of forty-eight is asserted without citation by popular listsOn: William May
  409. Two distinct vessels named Adventure run through Blackbeard's story, David Herriot's eighty-ton logwood sloop taken at Turneff in April 1718 and wrecked at Topsail Inlet, and the sloop on which Blackbeard was killed at Ocracoke, and whether the Ocracoke sloop was the same hull or a differently acquired vessel of the same name is not established.
    Deposition and colonial official letterThe Information of David Herriot and Ignatius Pell (in The Tryals of Major Stede Bonnet and other Pirates, 1719); Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to Lord Cartwright (a Lord Proprietor of Carolina), pp. 324-327On: Adventure (Blackbeard's sloop)
  410. Johnson names the Ranger as the second of Maynard's two hired sloops, and the name Jane for the other comes from the later accounts rather than from any paper of the time read here.
    Period narrative and modern accountA General History of the Pyrates (chapter on Edward Teach called Black-beard); Blackbeard's Final Battle: Sorting Facts, FictionOn: Adventure (Blackbeard's sloop)
  411. The excavated shipwreck at Beaufort, formerly Topsail, Inlet is identified as the Queen Anne's Revenge, and there are no confirmed physical remains of the Ocracoke sloop Adventure.
    Colonial official letterLieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood to Lord Cartwright (a Lord Proprietor of Carolina), pp. 324-327On: Adventure (Blackbeard's sloop)
  412. The Amity had come out of Barbados, where she had been Captain Richard Gilbert's, a provenance resting on modern scholarship together with Baldridge's separate note of "Captain Tew's Sloop from Barbadoes".
    Modern scholarship and sworn deposition'A Man of Courage and Activity': Thomas Tew, Anglo-American Piracy; Deposition of Adam Baldridge (Jameson doc 68), C.O. 5:1042 no. 30 IIOn: Amity
  413. In December 1692 Isaac Richier, Governor of Bermuda, gave Tew a privateering commission to sail in company with George Dew, whom Johnson calls "Captain George Drew", and attack the French factory at Goree on the Gambia, which Johnson spells "Goorie", and a storm separated the two sloops.
    Period narrative and modern scholarshipA General History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Tew); 'A Man of Courage and Activity': Thomas Tew, Anglo-American PiracyOn: Amity
  414. The Amity careened at St Mary's on Madagascar, where her people traded with Baldridge, and he records that she "set saile from St. Maries December the 23d 1693, bound for America", reaching Newport in Rhode Island in 1694, the April usually given for that arrival coming from later accounts.
    Sworn depositionDeposition of Adam Baldridge (Jameson doc 68), C.O. 5:1042 no. 30 IIOn: Amity
  415. Only the Fancy, the Pearl and the Portsmouth Adventure were present at the captures of the Fateh Muhammed and the Ganj-i-Sawai, dated to about 7 September 1695 by later accounts rather than by Dann.
    Sworn examinationExamination of John Dann (Jameson doc 63), C.O. 323:2 no. 25 IVOn: Amity
  416. William Dampier and Lionel Wafer both sailed in the ship and William Ambrosia Cowley served in her as navigator and master, but Dampier's own rating in her is not established.
    Period narratives and editorial apparatusA New Voyage Round the World (1697); A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America (1699; 1704 edition scanned); editorial introduction to A New Voyage Round the World (Project Gutenberg Australia eBook 0500461h)On: Batchelor's Delight
  417. A ship database compiled from East India Company journals gives her about 380 tons, 26 guns and a crew of about 76, built by Thomas Bronsdon at Bronsdon's Yard in Deptford, launched in October 1719, with Peter Hambly as managing owner.
    Ship databaseBritish Merchant East Indiaman Cassandra (1719), ship id 29166On: Cassandra
  418. Macrae and Captain Kirby, judging it would serve the East India Company to destroy such a nest of rogues, were ready to sail for that purpose on the morning of 17 August about eight o'clock, when two pirate ships stood into the bay of Johanna.
    Printed letterA Letter from Captain Mackra, dated at Bombay, Nov. 16, 1720 (printed in A General History of the Pyrates), lines 3611-3616 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  419. Edward England was afterwards deposed from command for his leniency to Macrae and marooned with three others on Mauritius, whence he reached Madagascar and lived in poverty, and John Taylor rose in his place.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England)On: Cassandra
  420. The pirates refitted at Mauritius about the middle of February and sailed again on 5 April.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4032-4035 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  421. On the 8th, at the island the narrative calls Mascarene, they found a Portuguese ship of seventy guns at anchor, most of her guns thrown overboard and her masts lost after a violent storm, and took her with little or no resistance.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4037-4042 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  422. The Conde de Ericeira, Viceroy of Goa, was aboard the Portuguese prize, and those taken with him asserted that in the single article of diamonds she carried to the value of between three and four millions of dollars.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4043-4048 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  423. At Madagascar the pirates cleaned the Cassandra and divided their plunder, sharing forty two small diamonds a man, or fewer in proportion where the stones were larger.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4102-4104 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  424. The Victory being leaky was burnt, and as many of her men as would came into the Cassandra under the command of Taylor.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4113-4116 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  425. The pirates left Delagoa at the latter end of December 1722 and parted, one company going aboard the Portuguese prize for Madagascar and the rest taking the Cassandra for the Spanish West Indies.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4181-4188 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  426. The company that took the Cassandra to the Spanish West Indies surrendered with all their riches to the Governor of Porto Bello, the man of war Lanceston arriving a day or two too late.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (the Chapter of Capt. England); lines 4191-4195 of the Gutenberg textOn: Cassandra
  427. Swan is reported, on the editorial apparatus of a later edition of Dampier rather than on the narrative itself, to have sailed under a commission from the Duke of York, afterwards James II, which was a licence and not a letter of marque against a named enemy.
    Editorial apparatusEditorial introduction and footnotes to A New Voyage Round the World (Argonaut Press edition)On: Cygnet
  428. Charles Swan is reported by later accounts to have died at Mindanao about 1690, killed at the Raja's order after being chased and speared as he made for a Dutch ship, a version that does not agree with the overturned canoe of Dampier's own report.
    Literary retellingA Mainsail Haul: The Voyage of the CygnetOn: Cygnet
  429. The Dutchess was a frigate-built private ship of war sailing under letter of marque, fitted out at Bristol in 1708, and her builder, her build place and her build year are not stated in the sources read for this record.
    Period narrativeA Cruising Voyage Round the World, First to the South-Seas, thence to the East-Indies, and Homewards by the Cape of Good Hope, read in the 1928 Seafarers' Library reprint of the 1712 text, the opening journal entry of 2 August 1708On: Dutchess
  430. The ship's commander is Edward Congdon in the period spellings, which include Conden, Congdon and Cogdom, while the given name Christopher and the surname form Condent are a twentieth-century coinage.
    Historian's article and contemporary documentsEdward Congdon, the Misunderstood Pirate!; Le Mercure (Mercure de France); Deposition of Richard MoorOn: Flying Dragon
  431. The richest prize in the 1728 chapter is a Portuguese ship 'of 70 Guns, with the Vice-Roy of Goa, on board', taken near Bourbon, and Le Mercure of May 1722 independently places Congdon and the Dragon with the Count of Ericeira, who was the Viceroy of Goa.
    Period narrative and contemporary periodicalThe History of the Pyrates (vol. II), chapter 'Of Captain Condent', digital.lib.ecu.edu item 17002, internal book pp. 140 to 143; Le Mercure (Mercure de France), May 1722, read through Edward Congdon, the Misunderstood Pirate!On: Flying Dragon
  432. The 1696 trial print does not name that first prize; the name Fateh Muhammed is supplied only by later accounts.
    Trial print and modern accountsPrinted 1696 trial record (A63217), where the first prize is described but not named; the name Fateh Muhammed comes from secondary accounts of the cruise.On: Ganj-i-Sawai
  433. The capture is dated 7 September 1695 by later writers, but no primary source read for this record gives a precise date, and Khafi Khan places the taking within eight or nine days' sail of Surat.
    Mughal chronicleKhafi Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab, in Elliot and Dowson, vol. 7, pp. 350 to 351, for the position off Surat. The primaries give the season and the place and no day.On: Ganj-i-Sawai
  434. The stripped ship was released, but the two accounts diverge over her people: John Dann says she was sent on to Surat with the people in her, while Khafi Khan says the pirates carried the men off.
    Trial print and Mughal chroniclePrinted 1696 trial record (A63217): John Dann, that they sent her to Surat with the people in her. Khafi Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab, in Elliot and Dowson, vol. 7, pp. 350-351, that the men were carried away. The two readings are not harmonised.On: Ganj-i-Sawai
  435. The brigantine Good Fortune is a distinct vessel from the Fortune, a separate ship in Bartholomew Roberts's service, and the similar names in the same chapters invite conflation.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), chapters IX and X, in which Fortune, Good Fortune, Royal Fortune and Ranger are used of different vessels (Gutenberg ebook 40580)On: Good Fortune
  436. More than one vessel named Greyhound is relevant to the piracy of this period, including merchant vessels, and the identification of this record rests on the cross-reference to the Solgard, Low and Harris action.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (1724), Chap. XIII, Of Captain Edward Low, and his Crew (Gutenberg ebook 40580)On: Greyhound
  437. The resolution of the Mayor and Common Council of the City of New York of 25 July 1723 calls the Greyhound the station ship of the province.
    Council minuteResolution of the Mayor and Common-Council of the City of New-York, 25 July 1723, printed in A General History of the Pyrates (1724), Chap. XIII (Gutenberg ebook 40580)On: Greyhound
  438. Captain Peter Solgard commanded the Greyhound in the action of 10 June 1723.
    Naval reportCaptain Peter Solgard's report of the Greyhound actionOn: Greyhound
  439. On 25 July 1723 the New York Common Council resolved, nobody dissenting, to present Captain Peter Solgard with the freedom of the corporation, the seal to be enclosed in a gold box bearing the arms of the corporation on one side and a representation of the engagement on the other, under a motto carrying the date 10 June 1723.
    Council minuteResolution of the Mayor and Common-Council of the City of New-York, 25 July 1723, printed in A General History of the Pyrates (1724), Chap. XIII (Gutenberg ebook 40580)On: Greyhound
  440. The Mocha frigate was carried by her crew in 1696 on the passage from Bombay towards China, off the coast of Acheen.
    Published narrative and reference recordsThe Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years Ago; Mocha Frigate (1694), ship record, ship id 31277On: Mocha Frigate
  441. Modern compilations give the Mocha's burthen as about 250 tons and as about 350 tons, and no primary survey of her has been located.
    Reference database and web articleMocha Frigate (1694), ship record, ship id 31277; Pirates and Privateers: Between Two PiraciesOn: Mocha Frigate
  442. At the mutiny the crew killed their captain, Edgecombe, set twenty-seven officers and men afloat in the pinnace and renamed the ship the Defence; the date of 18 June 1696 rests only on later compilations, the published narrative gives no day, and the number set adrift is given elsewhere as about eighteen.
    Published narrative and reference recordsThe Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years Ago; Mocha Frigate (1694), ship record, ship id 31277On: Mocha Frigate
  443. Ralph Stout was elected the first pirate captain of the seized ship for his part in the mutiny.
    Modern scholarship (1907)The Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years AgoOn: Mocha Frigate
  444. Robert Culliford's own men came from the East India Company ketch Josiah, seized in a parallel mutiny, and Culliford was left near the Nicobar Islands and picked up by Stout in the Mocha.
    Modern scholarship (1907)The Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years AgoOn: Mocha Frigate
  445. The Dorrill's captain identified the pirate captain hailing him as a former gunner's mate at Bombay who had run away with a Company ketch and gone pirating, the journal describing him as having 'been Gunners Mate at Bombay, and after run away with the Ketch'.
    Ship's journalThe Fight between the Dorrill and the Moca (the Dorrill's own journal); Arnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  446. The Dorrill sighted the pirate ship in the Straits of Malacca at five in the morning on 7 July, and her supercargo Solomon Lloyd suspected her.
    Modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  447. The fighting between the Dorrill and the pirate ship is dated across 7 to 10 July; the year is 1697 in the printing read for this record and in most accounts and 1698 in the published narrative, and the journal's own dated days carry no year.
    Ship's journal and modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeThe Fight between the Dorrill and the Moca (the Dorrill's own journal); Arnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archives; The Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years AgoOn: Mocha Frigate
  448. The pirates called across to the Dorrill that they wanted 'not your ship nor men, but money', and the Dorrill's people answered that they had none for them and bid them come alongside and take it as they could get it.
    Modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  449. The Dorrill's boatswain, who ran up on the poop without orders, answered that they would strike to no such dogs as he, 'telling him the rogue Evory and all his accomplices were all hanged'; Henry Every was never taken.
    Modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  450. The pirates asked the Dorrill whether they did not know them to be the Mocha, were answered yes, and gave a great shout.
    Modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeArnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  451. The running engagement lasted about four hours, from about half an hour after eleven until about three in the afternoon, at a distance 'never more than two ships' length'; the Dorrill's chief mate was wounded in the leg, her barber lost two fingers, the gunner's boy lost a leg and the boatswain's boy, a lad of thirteen, was shot in the thigh, and the Dorrill drove the pirate off with heavy losses on both sides.
    Ship's journal and modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeThe Fight between the Dorrill and the Moca (the Dorrill's own journal); Arnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  452. Two printings of the Dorrill's journal differ on the ship's mortars, one reading '10 pattererers and 2 small mortars in the head' and the other '10 pattereurs and 3 morters in the head'.
    Ship's journal and modern work quoting a manuscript narrativeThe Fight between the Dorrill and the Moca (the Dorrill's own journal); Arnold Wright, Annesley of Surat and his Times, chapter 'Kidd the Pirate', pp. 203-206, printing a narrative of the fight preserved in the Indian archivesOn: Mocha Frigate
  453. What Kidd gave the ship's captain at Ile Sainte-Marie is not settled: the published lives give two guns and an anchor, while Joseph Palmer testified at Kidd's trial that Culliford 'had four Guns of him'.
    Published narrative and trial printThe Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years Ago; The Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Captain William Kidd, Admiralty Sessions at the Old Bailey, 8 and 9 May 1701 (London, 1701), evidence of Joseph PalmerOn: Mocha Frigate
  454. Robert Culliford made his submission to Commodore Thomas Warren under the 1698 Act of Grace, was taken to the Marshalsea prison on 1 August 1700, was tried in London for taking the Great Mahomet and was respited; two of his crew were hanged with Kidd at Execution Dock on 12 May 1701.
    Modern scholarship (1907)The Pirates of Malabar, and an Englishwoman in India Two Hundred Years AgoOn: Mocha Frigate
  455. No primary survey of the Mocha's burthen and no East India Company survey of her armament has been located, so her tonnage and her Company armament rest on later compilations and on one deposition.
    Reference database and web articleMocha Frigate (1694), ship record, ship id 31277; Pirates and Privateers: Between Two PiraciesOn: Mocha Frigate
  456. The people documented in connection with the New Year's Gift name are East India Company voyagers of 1613-1616 (for example painter-stainer Edward Gall and mirror-repairer Robert Young, who died on the voyage; and crew whose wills, proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, survive at The National Archives in the PROB series), not pirates; no master or commander of the ship was established this session
    Modern scholarship; Catalogue recordWhen the East India Company sent a ship called New Year's Gift to India; British Library: Asian and African Studies (India Office Records repository node)On: New Year's Gift
  457. Thomas Paine settled at Conanicut Island (Jamestown), Rhode Island about 1688, helped repel a French privateer raid on Block Island in July 1690, was visited by William Kidd in 1699 and died in 1715
    Modern scholarshipPaine went from high seas to early Jamestown settler; Pirates: Thomas Paine drives pirates from Block IslandOn: Pearl
  458. Bartholomew Roberts's consort Ranger (archive entity RAN2) is a further, separate vessel of the same name, illustrated in the same Dow and Edmonds volume as 'Royal Fortune and Ranger in Whydah Road, Jan. 11, 1722'; this pack is not that vessel
    Modern scholarshipThe Pirates of the New England Coast 1630-1730 (Chapter XVI, Charles Harris)On: Ranger
  459. During the near two months the sloop lay in the Cape Fear River careening and repairing, her crew took a small shallop of about six tons belonging to one Dalton and broke her up for timber to mend the Revenge alias the Royal James.
    Sworn information and public historyThe Information of David Herriot and Ignatius Pell (from the 1719 Tryals), transcribed on B. C. Brooks, A Writer's Hiding Place, Information sworn 24 October 1718 to Richard Allen and Thomas Hepworth JJP; A General History of the Pyrates (Chap. IV Of Major Stede Bonnet and his Crew; and the Capt. England chapter), EBook 40580; The Pirate Hunting Expeditions of 1718, Charleston Time MachineOn: Revenge, later Royal James
  460. Rhett took possession of the sloop, found that the man calling himself Captain Thomas was Major Stede Bonnet, weighed from Cape Fear on 30 September and arrived at Charles Town on 3 October 1718 with the prisoners and the captured sloop; a Charleston public history account instead puts Bonnet and about thirty-five mariners ashore at Charleston about 5 October.
    Period narrative and public historyA General History of the Pyrates (Chap. IV Of Major Stede Bonnet and his Crew; and the Capt. England chapter), EBook 40580; The Pirate Hunting Expeditions of 1718, Charleston Time Machine; The Charleston Pirate Trials of 1718On: Revenge, later Royal James
  461. Where the renaming falls is not settled: Johnson's General History places it at the end of July 1718, as the sloop left Delaware Bay for the Cape Fear River, and gives it to the company, whereas later accounts place it earlier, at Topsail Inlet, when Bonnet resumed command of his own vessel after Blackbeard lost the Queen Anne's Revenge.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (Chap. IV, Of Major Stede Bonnet and his Crew), the removal from Delaware Bay to Cape Fear RiverOn: Royal James
  462. Bonnet had taken the King's mercy in his own name and returned to piracy under the name of Captain Thomas, and was arraigned at Charles Town as Stede Bonnet, alias Edwards, alias Thomas, late of Barbadoes, mariner.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (Chap. IV, Of Major Stede Bonnet and his Crew), the relapse into piracy under the name of Captain Thomas, and the list of persons arraigned and triedOn: Royal James
  463. The Royal James proved very leaky at Cape Fear River, mending her held the company there for almost two months, and the crew took a small shallop in the river and ripped her up for timber to repair the sloop.
    Period narrative and public historyA General History of the Pyrates (Chap. IV), the removal from Delaware Bay to Cape Fear River; Nic Butler, The Pirate Hunting Expeditions of 1718, Charleston Time MachineOn: Royal James
  464. The reef is called 'Lajas Reef' (also 'Laja' or Exquemelin-era 'the rock at the entry of the river', and 'Leja' in one secondary account) in modern and archaeological accounts; the primaries name only 'the rock at the entry of the river' (Exquemelin) and 'the bar' (Fogg)
    Period narrative; Statute; Registered sourceThe Buccaneers of America (this reprint titled The Pirates of Panama), English translation first printed 1684; Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Vol 7 (1669-1674), entry no. 483: relation of William Fogg; Lost Ships of Henry Morgan (research project page)On: Satisfaction
  465. The History of the Pyrates describes the Speaker as a former man of war "belonging to the French King, and could mount 50 Guns; but being taken by the English, she was bought by some London Merchants, and fitted out from that Port, to slave at Madagascar, and go to Jamaica", which makes her a French-built royal warship in English ownership fitted as a slaving ship and not an English-built East Indiaman.
    Period narrativeThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Bowen; the Life of Captain North; the seizure of the Speaker in the Life of Captain Thomas White); Speaker 1702 (project page and 2021 mission report)On: Speaker
  466. The guns recovered from the wreck by the 2021 mission run predominantly to 4 to 8 pounders, calibres consistent with a French fifth rate, which corroborates the French-warship origin the period narrative gives her.
    Archaeological project report and period narrativeSpeaker 1702 (project page and 2021 mission report); The History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Bowen; the Life of Captain North; the seizure of the Speaker in the Life of Captain Thomas White)On: Speaker
  467. George Booth commanded the Speaker until Arab troops at Zanguebar killed him and about twenty men when a shore party was cut off, whereupon John Bowen was elected captain.
    Period narrativeThe History of the Pyrates, Vol. II (Of Captain Bowen; the Life of Captain North; the seizure of the Speaker in the Life of Captain Thomas White)On: Speaker
  468. The most precise date given for the loss is 7 January 1702, after a cyclone in the Mascarenes, and the period narrative's own chronology, which ends the company's three months on the island "about the middle of March 1701", runs about a year early.
    Scholarly working paper and period narrativePiracy in the Indian Ocean (ca. 1680-1750), Working Paper No. 160; The wreck of the pirate ship Speaker on Mauritius in 1702, 13.2: 121-132On: Speaker
  469. At the wreck the Speaker carried about 170 pirates and 30 Arab captives, a count reaching one scholarly account through Dutch company records.
    Scholarly working paperPiracy in the Indian Ocean (ca. 1680-1750), Working Paper No. 160On: Speaker
  470. The objects recovered from the site corroborate the identification of the wreck as the Speaker without by themselves establishing it.
    Archaeological reportsThe wreck of the pirate ship Speaker on Mauritius in 1702, 13.2: 121-132; Speaker 1702 (project page and 2021 mission report)On: Speaker
  471. England's and Taylor's squadron in the Indian Ocean in 1720 comprised two pirate ships, the Fancy and the Victory.
    Period narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (Chapter of Captain England)On: Victory
  472. A third vessel of the name must be kept apart from the pirate Victory and from Ridout's, the Victory Frigate of Commodore Matthews' anti-pirate squadron in which Clement Downing later served, and none of the three is the Royal Navy's Victory of 1765.
    Period narrative and library catalogue recordA General History of the Pyrates (Chapter of Captain England); WorldCat record: full title of Downing's Compendious History of the Indian Wars (OCLC 642253168)On: Victory
  473. Later writers make John Taylor commander of the Victory and Edward England commander of the Fancy, an allocation that the first-hand accounts do not make, since they name both captains but assign neither to a named ship, and that runs against A General History of the Pyrates, in which England fits up the Peterborough and calls her the Victory himself.
    Period narrative and first-hand narrativeA General History of the Pyrates (Chapter of Captain England); A Compendious History of the Indian Wars... Also the Transactions of a Squadron of Men of War under Commodore MatthewsOn: Victory
  474. When taken the Whydah was bound from Jamaica to London laden with sugar, indigo, Jesuits bark and some silver and gold, a homeward leg consistent with a completed slaving voyage, though no paper read for this record states that she had carried enslaved people.
    Printed trial record and sworn examinationsThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy (Boston, 1718), N01688; Examination of John Brown (Jameson doc 108), no. 11945, paper 5 (a fragment)On: Whydah Gally
  475. The contemporary papers establish silver and gold in the Whydah's homeward cargo and Southack's search for money along the beach, but do not give a total weight for the treasure.
    Printed trial record and official correspondenceThe Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy (Boston, 1718), N01688; Cyprian Southack to Governor Samuel Shute (Jameson doc 107), vol. 51, pp. 287, 287aOn: Whydah Gally
  476. The trial print does not date the capture: the last act charged against Rackham's company is 20 October 1720 at Dry Harbour Bay and the court sat on 16 November, while the 22 October commonly given for the capture is the date of a separate article against nine men who went over to Rackham from a pettiauger about a league from Negril Point.
    Trial pamphletThe Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and other Pirates (St. Jago de la Vega, Jamaica)On: William